Expiatory Rites in Keralite Tantra
by T. S. Syamkumar | 2017 | 59,416 words
This page relates ‘Expiatory Rites in Vaishnava Tantras� of the study on Expiatory Rites in Sanskrit literature and ancient Indian religion and society, with special reference to Keralite Tantra. Further references to texts include those found in Shaivism, Vaishnavism and Shaktism as well as Dharmashastra literature. This study also investigates temple records and inscriptions of Kerala in order to demonstrate the connection between social life and expiatory rites and its evolution.
Go directly to: Footnotes.
2. Expiatory Rites in ղṣṇ Tantras
The commencement of վṣṇ worships can be seen in ṻ岹; comparatively վṣṇ was not a well-known deity in that period. Only two or three hymns are devoted to վṣṇ in ṻ岹.[1] The term ղṣṇ is used for the worshippers or the devotees of վṣṇ, ṛṣṇa, ṃh etc. The term 岵ٲ usually indicates the devotees of ⲹṇa;[2] it also indicates a group of priests working in the temples of վṣṇ.[3] The Besnagar Ҳḍa pillar inscription of Heliodorous[4] and Ghosūṇḍi inscription of Sarvatāta proclaim the ancient popularity of ղṣṇ.[5] Generally ղṣṇ Tantric tradition is divided in to three schools; 岵ٲ, ñٰ and ղԲ.[6] The ղԲ system is closely related to the Vedic corpus. The ղԲśrautasūtra and ղԲsmārttasūtra are the important treatises of ղԲ tradition. The two medieval digests like ĀԲԻ岹ṃh and Ā徱ṃh are related to Yajurveda branch.[7] It is observed that ñٰ School is also known as 岵ٲ School, which is the basic and earliest school of Tantric ղṣṇ. The name ñٰ is most likely connected with the ʲñٰatra, a sacrifice performed in five days, referred to in Śٲ貹ٳṇa.[8] It is considered by tradition that ñٰsaṃhitās are 108 in number, but more than two hundred works are mentioned.[9] ñٰs like ⲹܱ貹ñٰ, ṣṭ岹śԲ and ٱ峾ṛt貹ñٰ are the earlier ղṣṇ Tantric ritual manuals. It can be seen that these ñٰ texts obviously adopted the Mantras and rituals of Ś and Vedism. Most of the modern scholars and the tradition say that ٳٱ, and ʲṣk are the authoritative works in this field. These works have enormously influenced the later tradition of ñٰ岵. Schrader alludes that Īś, ś and 峾 are the significant expansions of these works.[10] The ղṣṇ temples of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka etc. follow ñٰ岵. Prof. Ramacandra Rao observes: “According to Īśsaṃhitā (1.64), the ٳٱ followed in the temple of ⲹṇa at Melukote (in Karnataka), the ʲṣk in the famous 鲹ṅgٳ temple at Śīṅg (in Tamil Nadu), and in the Vardarāja temple at ñīܰ� (also in Tamil Nadu).�[11] Rao further observes that վṣṇsaṃhitā is being followed for performing in the ղṣṇ temples of Kerala. But recently it is not directly seen followed, even though, its influences can be seen in later Tantric manuals of Kerala.
The study of ʲñٰ and Ś Tantras clearly shows that the main rituals are similar in both traditions. Most of Śaivite and Vedic culture are implicitly adapted in ñٰsaṃhitas. In this context Diwakar Acharya says thus: “�.the influence of Ś over ʲñٰ ղṣṇ in the early medieval period, at a time when ղṣṇ was beginning a process of self transformation that involved partly resting itself in the mould of Tantric Ś. Besides, these also speak of the influence of late Vedic and ٲ ritual system over the ñٰ ritual system.�[12] ñٰs mostly used the Vedic and Śaivite Mantras in the worshipping and other ceremonies like installation and Homa sacrifices of վṣṇ, including expiatory rituals.[13] In the discussion of early Tantric ղṣṇ and the expiatory rituals, the works like ⲹṃbܱ貹ñٰ, ٱ峾ṛt貹ñٰ and ṣṭ岹śԲ are very significant. Scholars argued that the period of these ñٰs is between eleventh and twelfth centuries CE.[14] These earliest ղṣṇ Tantras do not deal with expiatory rites; but they describe Pacificatory rites for all types of obstacles and impurities. According to ٳٱٲṃh, due expiations are to be performed before the initiation.[15] It is believed that a sin is a blemish of a 첹. Hence this text directs to perform the expiation of Kṛchra Vrata, Atikṛchra, reciting Mantras of վṣṇ, drinking of īٳ and ʲñⲹ for cleansing of sins. In the excess of sins, it predominantly says to facilitate a gift of gold as an expiatory rite.[16] According to this text, the number of expiations to be performed by ṣaٰⲹ, ղṣy and Śū should increase in order.[17] The ٳٱٲṃh does not deal with expiations related to temple rituals, whereas ʲṣksaṃhitā and Śīܰṣoٳٲṃh describe these. The ʲṣk discusses the performance of expiation for the damage and defect of վṣṇ idol.[18] The expiations suggested here are fasting, Բ, gift of food, reciting the Dvādaśākṣaramantra and ṣṭṣa Mantra of ܻ𱹲.[19] The Śīܰṣoٳٲṃh also includes the similar ideas.[20] And it distinctly states the causes leading to expiations. They are damages and defects of an idol, flagstaff and temple premises, omission of daily rituals, omission of light, entering of a 䲹ṇḍ, cat, rat and cocks, birth and death in temple courtyard, presence of excretion and urine in shrine, presence of impure substances, entering of thief in temple, burning of umbrella and other substances of the deity, face to face placing of idols of two deities, shaking and falling down of an idol etc.[21] For avoidance of these impurities, it suggest sprinkling of water (ʳṇy), ś, reciting the վṣṇsūkta, ṣaṇaūٲ and Śāntisūkta, feasting of a Brahmin with ٲṣiṇa and ŚԳپdz.[22]
The early ղṣṇ ritual manuals (the ñٰ岵) do not give details of expiatory rituals. In course of time the number of expiatory rites related to the impurity concept basing the caste system, have been increased. It might be result of the Brahminisation of ղṣṇ Tantra, as the ղṇa system and related rites are the visible features of Vedic Smārtta Brahmins. Influence of ղṇa system and related rites of Smārtta Brahmins were obviously seen in later versions of ղṣṇ ritual manuals. In fact in the early period, the Vedic authorities considered that the Pāñcarātriṃs were unorthodox sinners and belong to outcastes. Some ʳܰṇa and ṛt also shared the same view. The Dharma legal authorities of վṣṇ, ūٲ, Śatātapa, ٲ and ǻⲹԲ equally say that the Pāñcarātriṃs are outcastes. Also ūܰṇa prohibited inviting the Pāñcarātriṃs to the house hold customs.[23] Gradually the Brahmins appropriated with the Tantric ideals and practices. Historically it can be assumed that the Brahmins have interpolated their ղṇa concept and concept of impurity in all Tantric manuals. Evidently quoting the words of ѱپٳ, Sanderson has precisely pointed out the Vaidika exclusivity and persecution of Brahmanism towards other religious sects.[24]
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
ṻ岹, 1.154.2-3,155. 4-5,7.100.3-5 and 8.9.7.
[2]:
[3]:
Ibid., p. 232.
[4]:
Historically, Besnagar Ҳḍa pillar inscription of Heliodorous is a first known inscription of ղṣṇ in India. The date of this inscription is 113 BCE. Heliodorous was a Greek ambassador of the Indo-Greek king Antialcidas to the court of the Shunga king Bhagabhadra. The pillar surmounted by a sculpture of Ҳḍa. And it was dedicated to lord ܻ𱹲. See Avari, Burjor, India: The Ancient Past A History of Indian Subcontinent from c. 7000 BCE to CE 1200, Routledge, p.167. For further details see, Romila Thapper, Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300, University of California Press, pp. 216-217.
[5]:
The Ghosundi is a village in the Chittorgarh district of Rajasthan. The Ghosundi inscription of the king Sarvatāta dated in between 2nd and 1st century BCE. This inscription refers to the construction of an enclosure in Narayan Vatika for the worship of ṅkṣaṇa and ܻ𱹲. See, Hand Book of Victoria Hall Museum of Udaipur, Department of Archeology and Museums, Government of Rajashtan, 1961, p. 7.
[6]:
According to Gerad Colas 岵ٲ is the name of Brahmin actors of Kuchipuḍy who enact plays on ղṣṇ themes in the Telugu speaking region. Vide Gerad Colas, op.cit., p. 239. A ninth century Cambodian inscription also mentions three types of ղṣṇs; ʲñٰ, 岵ٲ and ٳٱٲ. ṇa in his Ჹṣaٲ clearly mentions 岵ٲ and ʲñٰ첹 as two distinct groups. Vide Gerad Colas, op.cit., p. 238. In Tantra Literature of Kerala, N.P. Unni, discussed five types of ʲñٰ schools. They are ղԲ, ٳٱٲ, Śikhiṃs, Ekānthika and ū첹. p. 46.
[7]:
Gerad Colas, op.cit., p. 236.
[8]:
Śٲ貹ٳ-ṇa, 13.6.1.1. Varadachary notes: “The word Pāñcarātrā is singular in number and neuter in gender being a collective noun. The word must then mean the system; that has relationship to five nights or an occurrence during that period. [ ] The word ʲñ refers to the five objects of the senses, five elements, and five qualities of the elements, five forms of the վṣṇ, five sacraments, and five sages. All other systems become dark, which is the sense of the word ٰ, before the ñٰ which shines like the Sun. The four ղū deities ś, ⲹṇa, and others constitute the group of five and this gives the name ñٰ. [……] The name ñٰ must therefore mean the fivefold division of the day.� See ñٰ岵, Tirumala Tiruppati Deavasthanamas, Tiruppati, 2001, pp.14-17.
[9]:
See The Ā Encyclopedia, Vol. I, p.18; and also see the appendix of this same volume. In his study, Schrader has listed 210 names of ñٰ岵. See Schrader, F.O., Introduction to the Pāñcarātrā and the Ahirbudhnya ṃh, Adyar Library, Madras, 1916, pp. 8-11. He had interestingly discussed the home and real place of ñٰ岵: “The Pāñcarātrā must have originated in the North of India and subsequently spread to the south. Had the opposite taken place, most of the extant ṃh would somehow betray this fact, which is not the case. The story of the Śٲ屹ī貹 seems even to point to the extreme north, and do some ṃh, among them Ahirbudhnya, as we shall see. The thesis may therefore be advanced that all ṃh betraying a South Indian (Dravidian) origin belong to the later stock of the literature.� Ibid., p. 16. But V. Varadachary opines that the ñٰ岵 must have been originated in the Kashmir region. Varadachary gives many evidences for supporting of his argument: “� the Āḍaṃbara, which was written by ⲹԳٲṭṭ (AD 880) of Kashmir, refers to the practices of the followers of the Pāñcarātrā system. There is no evidence to prove that the ñٰ첹 of the earliest periods lived in a place other than Kashmir. Secondly the word Śپٲ is used to refer to the favour of the deity. This word occurs in the Kashmir Śaivite texts. Thirdly, the birch-bark which grows only in Kashmir is enjoined in the early ñٰ text for using it to draw the Yantra of the deities. Fourthly the ñٰ texts ʲṣk ṃh mentions the names of the rivers from which water is to be brought for giving bath to the deity. Ҳṅg is sated there to flow in the east, Yamuna in the south east, and Sarasvati in the south. The region with reference to which these directions are mentioned must only be Kashmir. Lastly, the passages from ñٰ texts, are quoted by Utpala (850 AD) in his 貹Ի岹ī辱.� See Varadachary, V., ñٰ岵, pp. 17-19.
[10]:
Schrader gives the chorology of the ancient ṃh as follows: 1. ʲṣk 2. ٳٱٲ 3. Ahirbudhnya 4. ś 5. 峾 and 6. Īś. He significantly says that ʲṣk, ٳٱٲ and Jaya are more authoritative works in the ñٰ world. Schrader, op. cit., p. 20f.
[11]:
Ibid., p. 44.
[12]:
Vide Diwakar Acharya, Early Tantric ղṣṇ: Three Newly Discovered Works of The ʲñٰ, French Institute Pondicherry, 2015, pp. viii-x.
[13]:
For a detailed discussion of the topic vide Diwakar Acharya, op.cit., p. lviii-lxiv.
[14]:
The present text is critically edited by Diwakar Acharya depending on the 11th and 12th century Nepalese palm leaf manuscripts.
[15]:
[16]:
[18]:
samāhṛteṣu mantreṣu cālyamāneṣu pauṣkara |
bhaṅge karmavaśājjāte pratimāsu pramādata� || ʲṣksaṃhitā, 43.151.
[19]:
ʲṣksaṃhitā, 43.153-157.
[20]:
Śīܰṣoٳٲṃh, 30.3-5.
[21]:
ś brahman pravakṣyāmi prāsāde cāṅgabhaṅgake |
dhvaje prabhāyā� pīṭhe ca gopure cāyudhe'pi ca ||
biṃmbe caivāṅgabhaṅgādisandhāne tu navīkṛte |
nityapūjāvihīne ca nityadīpādināśane ||
mārjālamūṣikāgaurīmaraṇe mandirāṅgaṇe |
cāṇḍālaśabarādyaiśca spṛṣṭe bimbe tathaiva ca ||
sve kukkuṭakākādijanane maraṇe'pi ca |
mandire malamūtrādisparśadoṣastu sambhave ||
kṛmikīṭādiduṣṭasya haviṣo vinivedane |
devasya hasane caiva calane rodane tathā ||
valmīkādisamutpanne mandire maṇḍape'pi vā |
ajñātacorasaṃspṛṣṭe khadyotasparśane tathā ||
chatracāmaravastrāṇāṃ dahane jvalitāgninā |
devasya cānyadevasya anyonyābhimukhe'pi vā ||
varṣodakaistu saṃspṛṣṭe bimbe pādukayostathā |
ālaye madhusamprāpte vajrapāte'pi vā guru ||
bimbasya calane caiva patane dahane'pi ca |
evamādinimitteṣu samprokṣaṇamathācaret || Śīܰṣoٳٲṃh, 30.36-44.
[22]:
Ibid., 30.45-51.
[23]:
ūܰṇa, 1.11.272-273; Also vide The Ā Encyclopedia, Vol. IV, p. 54.
[24]:
He says thus: “So all those outside (the Veda) namely the worshippers of sun (Bhojaka), the followers of ղṣṇ, the Jainas, the (Buddhist) deniers of the self (Anātmavādi), the śܱ貹ٲ, and the rest hold that their doctrines have been authored by exceptional persons or deities who have had direct experience of the truth they teach. They do not claim that their religious practices derive (like ours) from the (eternal and unauthored - 貹ܰṣeⲹ) Veda; and indeed their teachings contain doctrines that directly contradict it.� Cf. Sanderson, A., “Tolerance, Exclusivity, Inclusivity, and Persecution in Indian Religion during the Early Medieval Period�, pp.159-160. Sanderson further notes: “the south Indian ղṣṇ 峾ܲԲ cites a text without attribution in his Āprāmāṇya that rules on the authority of ṛt that the term ṣaṇḍ� covers the whole range of non-Vaidika systems: the ղṣṇ ñٰ the Ś [ѲԳٰ], the śܱ貹ٲ, the 첹, Buddhism, and Jainism.� Ibid., p. 162-163, fn. 15.