Bhasa (critical and historical study)
by A. D. Pusalker | 1940 | 190,426 words
This book studies Bhasa, the author of thirteen plays ascribed found in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. These works largely adhere to the rules of traditional Indian theatrics known as Natya-Shastra. The present study researches Bhasa’s authorship and authenticity, as well as a detailed study on each of the plays ascribed to him. The final chapters...
Chapter 11 - Bhasa’s plays and Varnashrama-dharma
(A) Castes, their Relations and Occupations. The institution known variously as varna, jati or caste is peculiar to India and was of indigenous origin, There is a difference of opinion among scholars as to whether distinctions based on varma preceded those based on jati or vice versa. Mr. C. V. Vaidya holds that before the Aryans settled in the Punjab there were two jatis, viz., the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas, among them; those that took to agriculture formed into Vaisyas; then after the Aryans settled in India and extended eastwards, the aborigines who were black-coloured came into the social system of the Aryans, and they were placed at the foot of the system as Sudras. Thus varna or colour came in after jati, and was incorporated into the caste system, being later taken as the characteristic of a jati. Some, on the contrary, hold that the Aryans had no distinctions when they came to India, and the Aryas and Dasyus or the Dasas (non-Aryans) were the first distinctions based on colour. The Aryans then formed themselves into three different classes according to the natures of their works. and included Dasyus or Dasas among their structure as the fourth class. Thus came into being the Caturvarnya or the four-fold caste system in India. According to Megasthenes, "No one is allowed to marry out of his own caste or to exchange one profession or trade for another ".2 In other words, endogamy and rigidity as to particular uties or occupations were the two principal characteristics of the caste system in India. 1 Upasamhara, pp. 171-172. 2 Fragment XXXIII, McCrindle's translation.
351 We shall now see whether the caste system as such was known in the age of the Rgveda. Many eminent orientalists such as Aufrecht, Benfey, Max Muller, Muir, Roth, Weber and Zimmer formulate that it was unknown, while Haug, Kern, Ludwig, Oldenberg and Geldner maintain that the caste system existed in the Rgvedic age. It is, however, found that excepting in the Purusasukta there is absolutely no mention of the caste system in the Rgveda. The distinctions in the Purusasukta, moreover, are class distinctions in contrast to the caste distinctions of the later age. These four classes were, as it were, of the clergy, the noble, the middle class and the labourers; they did not connote any caste distinctions.' Rules as to marriage and occupations were not rigid. Any one could change his occupation and intermarriages in different classes were allowed. The divisions into classes in the Rgvedic age depended more upon occupation, ability and character than upon birth. Knowledge was the basis of the system. In course of time, by the period of the Brahmanas, the distinctions between the different classes gradually accentuated. The Sudras were looked down with disfavour and marriages with them were prohibited; then impurity was said to be attached to the food offered by the Sudras and then came the impurity of touch. Then by the same principles of exclusion, the Ksatriyas and Vaisyas were kept at a distance by the Brahmanas and they finally asserted their superiority and enunciated the bold doctrine that birth alone can confer Brahminhood on a person; no person of any other class can attain to it. The epics also show the advanced stage of the caste system, the society being divided into watertight compartments. Though intermarriages were disfavoured, a number of them took place, and the issues were looked as of mixed castes. There were a number of mixed castes in the epic age, the progeny taking the intermediate position inferior to the status of its father and superior to that of its mother. Kautilya's Arthasastra also shows that the four-fold caste system was deep-rooted at the time. The 1 Cf. Majumdar, Corporate Life, p. 330; Max Muller, Chips from a German Workshop, II, p. 307; Weber, Ind. Lit. (Trans.), p. 38; Roth quoted in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, I, p. 291. 2 Of. Majumdar, Corporate Life, pp. 381-833. 3. Rgveda. IX. 112. 3. 4 Majumdar, Corporate Life, pp. 347-350.
352 evolution of the caste system from the classes in the Rigveda is important to students of social history inasmuch as "it affected the status of citizens and affected their duties as members of the body politic". A man's position in later days was determined by the caste in which he was born and not by his intrinsic merits or character. _even the Though the Buddhists waged a severe war against the caste system and the Brahmana superiority, it is a mistake to suppose that the caste system was non-existent in the Buddhist age. As a matter of Buddhist writings recognized the formal castes. In contrast to the Brahmanical works which state that the Brahmana superiority was throughout unchallenged, the Buddhist writers show a distinct Ksatriya bias and put the Ksatriya claim to undisputed superiority, the Jain writers supporting them. In spite of the crushing attitude towards the Brahmanas, we find many instances of the Brahmanas being regarded with respect in the Buddhist age. caste system did exist in the Buddhist age though some The restrictions as to food and occupation were relaxed. After the revival of the Brahmanas under the Guptas, the Brahmanas emerged as the supreme race and the rules of the caste system were made rigid and inelastic. Among the writings on the caste system both from the pen of Indian and foreign writers almost all of whom indulge in attacking and condemning the system, one is rather relieved to read of the different note struck by Prof. Viswanatha when he says that "the caste laws were laws of spiritual eugenics intended to foster and promote the evolution of a superior race". 8 With regard to the occupations of these different castes, they were more or less fixed. It was the duty of the Brahmanas to study and teach the Vedas, to perform sacrifices and officiate at sacrifices, to give charity and receive gifts . The Ksatriya took to himself the protection of the people, charity, performance of sacrifices, study and nonattachment to pleasure. The Vaisyas themselves in cattle-rearing, agriculture, charity, engaged performance of sacrifices, study, trade and money-lending. The only duty of the Sudras was to serve the persons of the three higher castes. At first these rules were very rigid. No. 1 Banerji, Public Administration in Ancient India p. 20. 3 Racial Synthesis, p. 149. 2 Cambridge History of India, I, p. 221; Corporate Life, p. 364. 4 Manusmrti, I. 88-91; cf. also Santiparva, 72.
353 one was allowed to occupy in any but the hereditary profession; but gradually, the upper castes, if in distress, were allowed to engage in the professions of the lower ones. Under no circumstances were the lower orders to do the functions of the higher ones. It was taken to be the prime duty of the king to see that the four castes engaged themselves in their respective occupations as prescribed for them." With these preliminary observations on the caste system, we turn to our plays to gather whatever information they supply regarding this ancient institution. It does not require much proof to find that the caste system was prevalent in those days. The four castes are distinctly mentioned, the Brahmanas being the caste par excellence. Castes seem to have been based only on birth at the time of our poet, and not on occupations or qualities as in the early Vedic age as we have seen. Descent in the family of a Brahmana was necessary to acquire Brahminhood. Those that were born of the Brahmanas were known as such, while those of the Ksatriya parentage were known as the Ksatriyas.3 There is no mention of mixed castes born of the intercaste wedlock and out of wedlock so elaborately enumerated by the Smrti writers. We think we shall not be far from right if we conclude from this that the mixed castes were almost unknown, that strict conformity to marriage rules prevailed in those days, and that there was a high tone of morality. The Candalas are mentioned; but evidently they were outside the caste system. BRAHMANAS. The Brahmanas deserve to be treated first on account of the importance attached to them and also on account of the numerous references attached to them in the plays. The sacred thread was then, as it is in most cases even now, a badge and a distinguishing mark of the Brahmanas. Without entering into the detailed yazi u 1 Cf. Arthasastra. I. 3 st. 1 & 2 p. 8.etc. 2 Vanik as distinct from Brahmana and Ksatriya is mentioned in Car (p. 45) and Vrsala (Sudra) is referred to in the Pratima (III. 5.) and Panc (I. 6). 3 Of. Panic, I. 25. dvijo bhavan ksatriyavamsaja vayam | Karna, p. 75. -bhasti khalu tatrabhavatah ksatriyavamsyaih purvavairam | Avi, I. 7 daivam rupam brahmajam tasya vakyam | also Avi, p. 14: Prat, III. 5 (p. 60); p. 61. 4 Avi, p. 85. jannopavidena bahmano |
354 discussion of the problem we state here our inference that Yajnopavita in those days was not merely a thread but a piece of cloth.' The Brahmanas were regarded as the prime race, front rank being given to them among the subjects. The superiority of the Brahmanas and the precedence accorded to them on all occasions were so much ingrained in the minds of all, that the veteran Bhisma states the fact of his being a Ksatriya (and hence a disciple) as one of the reasons, why Duryodhana should first make his obeisance to Drona, a Brahmana, in preference to himself (i. e. Bhisma) though he was, in the words of Drona, a deity in human form. The utterance of 2 Brahmana received immense weight, even untrue statements emanating from him were regarded as true, and he was never to be contradicted. The speech or request of a Brahmana commanded implicit obedience. Such a tyrant as Kamsa glorified himself in taking the word of a Brahmana as gospel truth. The Brahmanas also were equally confident of having never uttered falsehood." 4 8 Closely allied with the desire to carry out the word of a Brahmana was the general thought that the curse of a Brahmana was sure to bring calamity. The king of the Sauviras voluntarily underwent exile and Candalahood with his family, to bring about the fulfilment of the curse that a Brahmana pronounced.' Kaikeyi in the Pratima shared all the disgrace and misery simply to cause the curse to her husband to fructify.* The Brahmanas were naturally held as the preceptors of the Ksatriyas and it was thought a disgrace to the disciple where the guru was poor. All the wealth as also the religious merit of sacrifice were regarded as fruitless if the guru was not satisfied.' It was the most desirable thing for a king to give everything to the 1 Car, p. 63. also G. Jha, Asutosh Memorial Volume, I, pp. 62-64; V.Bhattacharya, Visvabharati Qtly., July 1933, pp. 107-117. 2 Bal, III. 16 - gobrahmanadayastena sujusyante kila prajah | Bal, p. 54 - brahmanapurogasu sarvaprajasu | ; Mo, st. 9. dvijottamah pujyatamah prthivyam | Mv, p. 30 - pujyatamah khalu brahmanah | ; Pame. I. 25-dvijo bhavan ksatriyavamsaja vayam | 3 Panic, I. 26, 27. 4 Panc, p. 89 - brahmanesvanuttara vayam | Bal, p. 27 -- brahmanavacanamanrtamapi satyam pasyami | 5 Karna, p. 84 - brahmanavacanamiti | na mayatikrantapurvam | 6 Bal, p. 27 - anrtam nabhihitapurva maya | 7 Avi, I. 11; also p. 96. & Prat, pp. 118-119. apariharanio maharisisavo | 9 Panc, I. 28. - kim tad dravyam kim phala ko visesah ksatracaryom yatra vipro daridrah |
355 Brahmanas and leave only his bow as an heirloom to his sons. To save the life of a Brahmana by giving up one's body was very highly thought of.3 8 It Feeding the Brahmanas in order to propitiate untoward fate and to ward off evils was very common. was supposed to bring peace. This attitude finds, curiously enough, a parallel in the Jataka stories where the giving of gifts to the Brahmanas and Sramanas and the duty of feeding them were enjoined on the king and the commoner alike; and even the Bodhisatva himself is reported to have said: "I have given manifold gifts to monks and Brahmanas." 5 The superiority of the Brahmanas would naturally show the prevalence of Brahmanical rites and ceremonies and praises of daksina. The festivals of Ratnasasthi, Kalastami and Caturdasi are mentioned, in which, among other things the payment of fees (daksinas) and giving of sumptuous dinner to the Brahmanas were the main factors. We find many similes pertaining to the sacrifices, the sacrificial fire, sacrificer, the yajnasakata, etc., giving us some idea as to the institution; the The depreciatory attitude in the Jatakas towards animal sacrifices and their preachings against the sacrifices do not seem to have gained ground. Brahmanas are eulogized in the descri The reference to the rule that the Brahmanas were exempt from capital punishment in spite of any offence committed by them raises an interesting point." Not only are the Brahmanas said to be immune from being killed, but they are to be let off, apparently without any punishment. Dr. Ray Chaudhury has tried to show by giving instances from the Brahmanas, the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad and the Mahabharata that no such immunity p. - 1 Pane, I. 22. - viprotsange vittamavarjya sarvam rajna deyam capamatra sutebhyah | 2 Mv, p. 30. - maccharirena brahmanasariram vinirmatumicchami | 3 Pratijna, p. 21. -- 3 Pratijna, p. 21. - bhattina santinimittam uvattibhabhoanam brahmanajanam | Car, p. 6. -- iccheam ... bahmanam nibhantedhum | Car, p. 84 - savvasaravibhavena brahmanena sotthi vabhaidavvamtti | Bal, I. 25. karomi vipulam santi mama santirbhavisyati | 5 Car, p. 84; Pratijna, api a dakkhinamasa ani 4 Ja. IV. 450, 484, 489, 497; V. 528, 536, 540; VI. 545. pp. 50,48; Car, p. 7. ghidam gulam dahim tandula a savvam asthi | bhavissanti | 6 Ja, I. 50, 77; II. 162; III. 314; IV. 495. beginning of the invasion of Buddhism on Hinduism. 7 Mv, st. 34, p. 27, -sarvaparadhe'vadhyatvanmucyatam dvijasattamah | The period refers to the
356 from capital punishment existed in ancient times.' The Arthasastra of Kautilya, though written by a Brahmana, is said to be distinguished throughout by want of undue partiality for the Brahmanas. Dr. Ray begins his thesis 3 stating that the Brahmanas enjoyed no prominence nor any special privileges. Towards the close of his article, however, he is rightly required to admit that the position of the Brahmanas as a class "was a somewhat privileged one" It was a sign of the times that the Arthasastra, though professedly a book on politics and proclaiming impartial treatment to all alike, could not but promulgate special rules in the case of the Brahmanas on account of their status. Even many of the Jatakas testify to the high position and great esteem enjoyed by the Brahmanas. In the days of our poet, the Brahmanas were proficient in all the Vedas and Vedangas, the Dharmasastra, Arthasastra, Yogasastra, Nyayasastra, Sraddhakalpa, etc. Though all these sastras appear to us as too voluminous for studies in these days, they were included in the normal course of a learned Brahmana. They conveyed no speciality or anything extraordinary in those days. In spite of an all round spread of education in traditional lore among the Brahmanas, the custodians of Vedic learning, a thoroughly ignorant Brahmana was not a rarity. The jester in the Avimaraka remarks on the contrary that it was difficult to come across Brahmana knowing both-the word (i. e., the Vedas) and its meaning. Evidently the jester's word is not to be taken at its face value and the reasonable inference seems to be that, as ever, there were black sheep in every fold. in those days also. Moreover, the jester's observation shows that as now there were at the time of our poet, many so-called priests who simply memorized the mantras without caring to know their meaning. KSATRIYAS. a Though not idealized as in the Jatakas, we find that the Ksatriyas also occupied a very high position, next only 1 Political History of Ancient India , 1 st Ed., p. 192. The evidence, however, does not warrant the conclusion. 2 OC, II, pp. 389-396 at p. 395. 3 Prat, p. 99 'brahmanasamudacaramanusthasyami | sangopanga vedamadhiye, manaviyam dharmasastram, mahesvaram yogasastra, barhaspatyamarthasastram, medhatitheyayasastram, pracetasam sraddhakalpam ca | 4 Avi, p. 16. bahmano dullaho rkari atthao a |
357 to that of the Brahmanas. They held the Brahmanas in high esteem, and the protection of their subjects was the main duty assigned to them.' The king, who generally came from the Ksatriyas, was to see that the subjects followed the rules according to their castes and orders, and he was not to introduce any violent changes in the rules, and was simply to uphold the old laws and customs.2 The Ksatriyas being the saviours of humanity looked upon all persons as their own sons." The riches of the Ksatriyas were held to consist in their valour in war and archery and not in the amount of wealth amassed by there their wealth, further, depended on their bravery. The Ksatriyas were told to perform sacrifices and feed the Brahmanas and the poor at them, as the merits obtained. thereby endure long after the physical bodies have perished. A number of famous kings are mentioned such as Iksvaku, Sayyati and others who live in the memory of the people only through their sacrifices. It seems to have been a rule that the Ksatriyas were not to be addressed by their mere names by ordinary persons but some title was to be prefixed to their names. There does not appear to be any trace of the rivalry for superiority between the Brahmanas and the Ksatriyas which the accounts in the Jatakas and other Buddhist works indicate.' The duties and functions of the Ksatriyas as 'Kings' will be dealt with in detail in a later chapter entitled 'Court Life'. 6 VAISYAS. The Vaisyas are incidentally mentioned in the Carudatta, and there they are spoken of as travelling in foreign countries for trade and taking a circuitous way for fear of thieves. A glimpse into the life of the herdsmen who tended cattle is to be had from the Balacarita and the Pancaratra. Cows to them were as mothers and goddesses, and their first duty on getting up was to bow to these cow-mothers. "Blessings and peace to the cows tasmatprajapalanamatrabuddhaya | 2 "> 1 Karna st. 47. Arthasastra, Adhyaya 3, p. 8, st. 1 and 2. 3 Mv, p. 31. sarvah prajah ksatriyanam putrasabdenabhidhiyante | 4 Panc, I. 24.- banadhina ksatriyanam samrddhih | 5. Panc, I. 20 - yajnena bhojaya mahim jaya vikramena | I. 25. nastah sariraih kratubhirdharante | 6 Panc, II. 47. 1 7 Fick, Social Organization, p. 183. 8 Car, p. 45-- vanijadarao kocci aantuo | ; p. 77 - bhidie umpahaspavato via vanijo | p. 78 fararudao via vanijao | 9 Bal, Act III; Panc, Act II.
358 is the constant refrain in their prayers to the gods." Among persons following different trades we find references to florists, painters, washermen, shampooers, etc. SUDRAS. The Sudras are referred to in the Pratima and the Pancaratra. The passages in those plays suggest that untouchability was observed in those days at least in so far as religious functions were concerned. It was illegal for a Sudra to study the Vedas and consequently to utter the mantras; hence the Sudras worshipped the deities and made their obeisance to them without chanting any mantras. It is significant that even courtesans, thought it unfit and improper to lavish their favours on a Sudra youth. It did not occur to the maid of a courtesan that a Sudra youth could ever become the object of love of her mistress. Intermarriages were not prohibited in ancient India; and hence, in course of time, mixed castes arose as the result of anuloma and pratiloma marriages. We do not, however, find any reference to mixed castes in these plays. CANDALAS. The Candalas were not subject to the rules of the caste system. Even the sight of a Candala polluted the caste people. The Candalas had their residences outside the city beyond the cremation grounds. They were looked upon as incapable of having feelings of sympathy, mercy, good speech, fine form, valour and strength. THEIR RELATIONS. As regards the relations of the different castes among themselves there is nothing in the plays to show that they were Each caste showed at least a tolerant towards the others. All were intent on doing their own duties (stre sve kamanyabhiratah ) thereby atti oto helping 1 Some features of the pastoral life as culled from these dramas have been presented later on under "Urban and Rural Life." 2 Prat, III. 5 varsalastu pranamah syadamantracitadaivatah | ; Panc, I. 6-dvija iva vrsalam parsve na sahate | vrsalam parsve na sahate | 3 Car, pp, 44-45, 4 Avi, p. 14; Panc, p. 52; Bal, II. 5; also, Arthasastra, II. 25. p. 56. -pasandacandalanam smasanante vasah | 5 Avi, p. 7, also I. 7 and II. 5.
359 themselves and others, and did not think it worth their while to disturb others outside their spheres. 2 Concerning the occupations, the injunctions do not seem to have been very strictly adhered to. Though most of the persons followed the scriptures in connection with the specific professions or trades to be followed by them, there was also a very small number who contravened the rules. Thus, we find a Brahmana youth engaging himself in trade, and another, under the influence of cupid, stooping to housebreaking at night.' The Jatakas also make mention of Brahmanas following diverse occupations as also of the changes of occupations in turn by certain individuals. Kautilya's Arthasastra adds to the duties of the Sudras by allowing them to till the soil, to rear cattle, to trade or to do business as artisans or actors. Thus, it appears that in the days when these plays were written (i. e., in the pre-Mauryan age) strict rules as to the occupations to be followed by different castes were slightly relaxed. The onrush of Buddhism had not yet dealt a serious blow to the caste system in the period we are dealing with. Brahmana superiority was the rule everywhere and Buddhism was not found favour with. (B) Four orders (Asramas) and their duties. In every society are to be found systems analogous to jati and asrama in India. The different classes are known according to their occupations, such as, the clergy, the nobles, the labourers, etc. Birth has nothing to do with classes as in the case of castes in India. Every individual in general, again, goes through some stages. in his life. During childhood he is engaged in learning; then comes married life; and in old age he may be concerned with religious thoughts or those concerning the other world. The speciality of India lay in the fact that both the systems were connected with, and made the essential parts of the religious system. There is a difference in the origin and development of the caste system and the asrama system in India. The 1 Carudatta and Sajjalaka in the Car. 2 Fick, Social Organization, p. 10 f; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 54-55; Legacy of India, p. 142. 3 Arthasastra, I. 3, p. 7; Visnusmrti (Ch. 2) mentions all industrial arts () as falling within the occupations of Sudras.
360 caste system, as we have seen, was not strictly observed in the beginning but its rules became more and more rigid in course of time, till the society was divided into water-tight compartments. water-tight compartments. The asrama rules, on the other hand, introduced as they were for promoting the efficiency of the individual and hence of the society in general, were rather strictly followed at the beginning, but in later times none cared to observe those rules. In the Vedic times, the relations of life were regulated by the requirements of the individual and not. by cast-iron rules. There is no trace of the asrama rules in the Rgveda though it appears that the first two. stages only, viz. Brahmacarya and Grhasthasrama were gone into. We get the first glimpse of the doctrines of the four asramas (stages of life) whereby the ascetic and hermit lives were introduced into the system, only in the Upanisadic period.' The life of every Aryan (i. e., a member of the first three castes) according to this doctrine required to pass through four stages of life, viz. that of a Brahmacari (pupil), Grhastha (householder), Vanaprastha (forest hermit), and Sannyasin (ascetic). In the period of the Mahabharata, were to be seen the first germs of the tendency whereby Sannyasa, the last stage of life was reserved only for the Brahmanas. A number of reasons have been put forth for the promulgation of the rule as to the exclusion of the other castes from leading the life of an ascetic, but for the purposes of our present study we are not concerned with them. was The Mahabharata and the Dharmasastras prescribe a number of rules to be followed by individuals in each stage of their life, and we shall refer to these rules in brief later on. A commentator on the Mahabharata states that a Sudra was entitled only to the first asrama and each member of the higher caste was entitled to one succeeding asrama in addition; thus, a Vaisya could pass through only two asramas, a Ksatriya through three, and a Brahmana through all the four stages of life. The Buddhists had also a system analogous to the asramadharma and they had made elaborate rules especially in regard to the life of the Bhikkhus. As the Buddhists were against the caste 1 Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, I, p. 233. 2 Santiparva, 59. 2-Com; Dikshitar, Hindu Administrative Institutions , p. 46.
361 sysem, the doors of each stage of life were thrown open to all irrespective of the barriers of birth or sex. The Arthasastra also speaks about the four asramas and the duties pertaining to each, but it is not stated whether all the castes were entitled to embrace Sannyasa. Before proceeding to give the information supplied by our author with regard to the state of the asramadharma in his days, it would be instructive if the duties of the different asramas as contained in the Mahabharata and Dharmasastras are dealt with in brief. The first stage in the life of every Aryan is Brahmacarya, and he entered that after upanayana (investiture with sacred thread) which was to be performed when the boy attained the age of seven or eight years. The pupil was to reside at the house of his preceptor and do household duties there in lieu of the payment of money.' He was to study there for twelve years and was under the complete supervision of his preceptor. Some pupils begged for their food, while some had their meals with their preceptor. Implicit obedience to the preceptor and doing menial service including massaging his feet etc, were some of their duties. The pupils had strictly to observe the rules of celibacy, to guard against the eight-fold maithuna, to abstain from physical luxuries of any sort such as spiced food, perfumes etc., to avoid all places of amusements and pleasure, and to restrain their senses. They tied their hair in a knot, bore a staff and girdle and wore a simple cloth. A few students were admitted on payment of their entire tuition fees in advance which generally amounted to one thousand pieces of money. These students, were not required to do any household work. Pupils of the first three castes thus lived with their preceptor and got instruction. Kings and the rich people engaged the services of competent teachers for giving instruction to their sons and wards at their residence. Instruction was generally imparted by rote. After the prescribed course was completed the pupil made handsome gift to his preceptor and returned home. Samavartana (return) marked the close of the period of studentship. Subsequent to his coming back, the student entered 1 Cf. Mookerji, Visvabharati Qtly., October 1923, p, 229.
362 the life of a householder after marrying a girl of his own caste. "Marriage Laws and Customs" are dealt with in detail in the next chapter. The first duty of a householder was to kindle the sacrificial fire and offer daily oblations to the fire. He had also to perform a number of religious and domestic rites and the Gautam adharma su tra (VIII. 14-20) prescribes forty sacraments for a householder. When a householder got old and had sons to shoulder the responsibility of worldly affairs he entered the life of a hermit (Vanaprastha) staying in a forest. He had to perform penances there, aloof from the din of the world. Then finally came the last stage, Sannyasa (asceticism), which was open only to the Brahmanas. The life of an ascetic was one of hardship, an ordeal. Some of the important rules are given here. The Sannyasin had to live on begging. He was required to conquer his passions and have equanimity of mind under all circumstances. He was to regard all with equality. He was not to desire anything, nor to hoard anything, nor to have any attachment for anybody. He was to wander from place to place and not to stay at a place for more than a day. We get the following information from Bhasa as to the four orders (asramas) and their duties. After initiation, the Brahmana boy had to go to a preceptor for the study of the Vedas. It appears that the disciples were entrusted to the care of the tutor when quite young, and hence all the responsibility as to the physical, mental and intellectual development of the child rested with the tutor. It has rightly been observed, therefore, that should the pupil misbehave, the fault lies at the door not of his parents or friends, but of his teacher. Residence at the house of a preceptor entailed the performance of manual labour such as accompanying him to the forest to fetch fuel, fruit, root, flowers, etc.3 Among other holidays, one was observed on astami when no instruction in the Vedas was to be given. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the system of 1 Panc, I. 21. 2 Karna. p. 75. kadacit phalamulasamitkusaharanaya gatavata guruna sahanugato'smi | 3 Car, p. 41. | 8
363 2 granting holidays on certain fixed days known as anadhyaya seems to be post-Vedic. "Vedic study was compulsory", observes Prof. Venkatesvara, "and no day was regarded as a holiday except when the person of the student was impure ceremonially or by illness, or when there was impurity in the locality". Like the black sheep in every fold, there were some students who were reluctant to put up with their preceptor and live the rigours of the celibate life. They looked with greatest joy to the day of the completion of their education (the samavartana ceremony) after which they hastened home. Ordinarily every pupil stayed with the preceptor till the completion of his course unless some extraordinary cause intervened.* Students paid some gifts (daksinas) to their gurus after the instructions were over. A fine instance of the high regard and devotion entertained by a pupil for his preceptor is supplied by Duryodhana who offers to give to his guru (Drona) not only everything that he possesses, but promises to procure the fulfilment of any desired object of his preceptor through his valour and mace. long as the mace rests in my hand", declares Duryodhana, all is thine"." 4 "So High ideals of the life of the husband and wife are presented to us in the Svapnavasavadatta, Pratima, Carudatta, etc, and a reference is made to them in the next chapter entitled "Marriage Laws and Customs". Oblations to household deities and to matrkas were among the daily duties of householder. A guest was worshipped, his feet were washed and he was honoured with the traditional Hindu hospitality. Both husband and wife joined in serving the guest. Feeding the guest was taken equal in merit to the performance of a sacrifice." Doors of a Hindu householder were always open to a guest. 6 Besides the persons who turned hermits (parivrajakas) in due course of time after performing 1 Indian Culture through the Ages , I, p. 82; Tait. Ar. II. 14. 2 Avi, p. 73-kidasamavrtto batuo vibha tuvarasi | 3 Swapna, p. 28 - yadyanavasita vidya, kimagamanaprayojanam | 4 Panc, I. 31, | svacchandato vada kimicchasi kim dadani | { haste sthita mama gada bhavatasca sarvam || 5 Car, pp. 26, 36. - matrkebhyo balih | devakaryam | itum bhabhantubhassa bhobhanadanam | 6 Prat, p. 98. 7 Avi, p. 87-
364 their duties as householders, there were some who undertook the life of a hermit after some great shock or after getting tired of life. We get an instance of a female hermit (tapasi) in the dowager queen of Magadha who resided in a hermitage just outside Rajagrha. This single instance from Bhasa does not entitle us to conclude that no barrier was placed in the way of females embracing: asceticism. The description of the hermitage would give some idea as to the peace and sanctity that reigned there., These hermitages were away from the din and bustle of, the town and were cosmopolitan in nature. Every one, was free to go there. They were the houses, as it were of the guests. The inmates there, who resided in huts, were all satisfied, having no worldly desires to be fulfilled. They wore bark-garments and lived on wild fruits, passing their time in meditation. The whole atmosphere around the hermitages breathed of freedom and abundance. The deer roamed about freely, the trees were full of flowers and fruits and there were a number of cows which supplied milk to the inmates. the evening, there arose from the hermitage lines of smoke. Water also was to be had nearby, and the inmates used to plunge for their bath thrice a day. According to Rhys Davids, in those days" the hermitages where the learning or the repeating of texts was unknown were the exceptions". Perhaps it may be that through the influence of Buddhism which included the Bhikkhunis in the sacred order, the hermitages of the Hindus also were mixed colonies of ascetics. Curiously enough, Vatsyayana does not refer to the Vanaprasthas; so it appears that was going out of vogue by the fourth this stage century A. D.5 During midday and i ich There were two classes of religious mendicants, Tapasa and Parivrajaka. Those staying in the hermitage belonged to the Tapasa class, and the Parivrajakas moved from place to place either alone or in the company of their disciples. The queen-mother of Darsaka belonged to the hermit (Tapasa) class Yaugandharayana in disguise to the (Parivrajaka) class. and wanderer 1 Cf. Pradhan, Chronology, p. 246. 2 Sarup, Vision, Notes, p. 102. Svapna, I, 3, 5, 12, 16; pp. 16, 20, 25, 26. 4 Buddhist India, p. 141. Chakladar, Social Life, pp. 111-112. 6 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 140-141. xin xian
365 It appears that these mendicants donned red garments. The institution of the red garmented mendicants, however, is not taken over from Buddhism but is of Hindu origin. The fact that Panini (7 th century B. C.) mentions Bhiksu-sutras signifies that the order existed even earlier. At the period we are dealing with, there were quite a number of people who embraced asceticism simply to fill up their bellies. This shows a degeneration of the order inasmuch as the red garb was put on to cloak beggary and thus to earn livelihood in an apparently honourable fashion. Such degenerate monks were found among the Buddhists also. 1 Svapna, 1. 9 Cf. also Avi, p. 85.