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after getting into the origin and development, one of the most vital aspects that the cultural historian interrogates while doing the history of religion is how the advent of a particular religious tradition responded to the then historical configurations.^[1] This approach leads us to dig out an answer to the question of how the tradition (Trika Saivism) under study responded the milieu of its time. Does the tradition express conformity or non-conformity with the then social-cultural landscape in general and that of religion in particular?

In the last two chapters we have gone into how Trika Saivism emerged around the mid-ninth century A.D. with the revelation of Siva Sutras (according to tradition) on Vasugupta and how subsequently it was further developed by its various thinkers. However, some scholars think that the advent of this particular religious tradition had nothing to offer to then socio-religious milieu. 

Thus, writes Krishna Mohan:

The introduction or origin of the Kashmir Saivite philosophy as such did not come as a revolt against the existing religious thoughts and practices, but as a natural accompaniment of the growth of learning, leading to the development of Siva-Sutra literature.^[2]

However, this view can be contested in many ways. Firstly, there is no denial of the fact that Kashmir鈥檚 liberal environment towards intellectual discourses and learning provided open and accessible space to the birth of Trika Saivism, which we have comprehensively discussed in the third chapter of the thesis. But the same was only long-term context for such an intellectual development. However, the immediate cause of its advent as has been highlighted by its own thinker Ksemaraja was to counter the Purva Paksa (opponent鈥檚 viewpoint). This Purva Paksa was in the form of Vijnanavada Buddhism and Dualistic traditions.^[3] This statement also gets substantiated by looking into the content of Somananda鈥檚 and Utpaladeva鈥檚 philosophical treatises as both contain sufficient material to express dissent towards Buddhist philosophy of Vijnanavada and Dualistic traditions. Similarly, this tradition advocated different theology, philosophy and methodology to achieve a stereological goal, which was itself in non-conformity with the then-existing religious traditions.

Before the advent of Trika Saivism the religious milieu was highly ritualistic where a subscription to idol worships, sacrifices, caste system, visiting Tirtha, etc were prized salvific activities.^[4] In contrast, Trika Saivism emphasised on recognition of self, Yoga, Mantra, Yantra, Pranayama etc to achieve the ultimate goal. Hence it would not be wrong to suggest that the thinkers of Trika Saivism while proving the accuracy of their own tradition vis-a-vis other traditions and philosophical thought currents referred to as them as inadequate or lower versions only. This also becomes clear by looking into Abhinavagupta鈥檚 Tantraloka in which he relates his Saivite tradition (Trika Saivism) as higher and the rest of the traditions as lesser paths.^[5]

However, this religious tradition since its advent in mid-ninth century A.D. up to fourteenth century A.D remained confined to a particular intellectual class and could not become a mass tradition^[6] owing to multiple reasons. Firstly, the political establishment throughout these centuries patronized mainly Brahmanical traditions and Buddhism by establishing religious monuments, iconographic representations of gods, Agraharas(land grants) to religious institutions and intelligentsia. This was perpetuated with the reason the then local populace of Kashmir followed these traditions, thus patronage to them earned larger consensus towards their rule.^[7]

The advent of Trika Saivism in mid-9^th century A.D. coincided with the rule of Utpala king Avantivarman in Kashmir. The Utpala period (mid-9^th鈥搈颈诲-10^th century A.D) was the formative phase of this tradition, as during this period its thinkers like Vasugupta, Bhatta Kallata, Somananda and Utpaladeva were developing various nuances of this tradition through their writings. Kalhana substantiates the same by informing that Bhatta Kallata (9^th century A.D thinker of Trika Saivism) and other Siddhas had descended in Avantivarman鈥檚 time for the benefit of people.^[8] Kashmir after Utpala s was taken initially by rulers whose suffix Kalhana mention as Gupta (939-1003 A.D) (henceforth Gupta dynasty)^[9] followed by the First Lohara dynasty and then the Second Lohara dynasty, both ruled from 1003-1339 A.D. The rulers of these dynasties patronised Brahmanical traditions (Saivism and Vaisnavism) and Buddhism along their undercurrents. But unlike Utpalas, throughout these centuries it was Brahmanical Saivism which after replacing Vaisnavism emerged as the dominant tradition. Thus, the Gupta ruler Parvagupta (949-50 A.D) built Siva temple called Parvaguptesvara. He also completed Yasaskara鈥檚 half-finished temple of Visnu called Yasaskarasvamin.^[10]

Similarly, Ksemagupta (955-58 A.D) built the temple of Siva called Ksemagaurisvara. His courtier namely Phalguna built Visnu temple Phalgunasvamin. Bhima Sahi (maternal grandfather of Ksemagupta wife Didda) built a Visnu temple called Bhimakesva.^[11] Didda during her son Nandigupta鈥檚 reign (972-973 A.D) built the temple of Visnu in the name of her deceased son (Abhimanyu) called Abhimanyusvamin. She also built two Visnu temples on her own name both called Diddasvamin temples. She also built a Buddhist Vihara for accommodating local and foreign Buddhists. She also made many Mathas to accommodate people from outside, especially from Madhyadesa, Lata and Saudotra.^[12]

Lohara King Ananta鈥檚 (1028-1063 A.D) queen Suryamati built two Siva temples namely Gaurisvara and Sadasiva and gave Agraharas on her husband鈥檚 name at Amaresvara. She also gave one hundred and eighty Agraharas to learned Brahmans at Vijayesvara (Bijbehara) temple. Not only this she also built many Mathas and gave them Agraharas.^[13] Kalasa (1063-1089 A.D) built Siva temples at Vijayaksetra (place near Bijbehara) and Tripuresvara (place near Srinagar). He also built Siva temple on his own name called Kalsesvara.^[14] Similarly, during second Lohara dynasty there were extensive religious establishments especially during Uccala, Sussala and Jayasimha鈥檚 reign (1128-49 A.D). During their reigns there was religious establishments pertaining to Buddhism, Saivism and Vaisnavism.^[15] The iconographic evidence of these centuries do refer to the above narrative. Thus, we have mid tenth century A.D brass-standing four-armed Tara, late tenth century A.D Avalokitesvara, tenth century A.D. Vasudeva.^[16] Not only this, the exploration of temples further substantiates literary narrative. For example the explorations at place of Bamzav, just a mile away from Mattan in the Anantnag district, have revealed Visnu temple built by Bhima Shahi, maternal grandfather of Didda.^[17] Among the Lohara monuments we have at the place of Mammal, which corresponds to present day Pahalgam in Anantnag district, Siva temple. This temple has been identified with Rajatarangini鈥檚 Mammesvara, built by king Jayasimha (1128-1155 A.D).^[18]

Secondly, the negative perception towards Tantric traditions to which Trika Saivism was no exception became a further impediment in making it a mass tradition. Their subscription to Panca Makaras (in specific context) which include Madya (alcohol), Mamsa (meat), Matsya (fish), Mudra (grain) and Mithuna (sexual intercourse) created a perception among people especially among their rival traditions, which can be best described in the words of B.C Chatterjee: 

鈥淸He] viewed tantra as a 鈥渕isguiding principle,鈥� which offered only wine and women in the name of religion.鈥�^[19]

Kalhana, who was himself a religious person and ardent follower of Brahmanical Saivism,^[20] expresses severe reservation and contestation towards the Tantric gurus. While referring to the Lohara king Kalasa, he informs us that the king鈥檚 Tantric guru (Pramadakantha), was of an immodest character and committed sexual intercourse with her daughter, inculcated same unethical behaviour to the king and made him forget the distinction between women who are legal and who are not.^[21] Kalhana further informs that while living in the company of such immodest gurus he (Kalasa) went into the darkness as day went into the same by thundering clouds.^[22] Kalhana鈥檚 silence on Acarya Abhinavagupta^[23] in his text (Rajatarangini) is also presumably because of latter鈥檚 association with Tantric tradition. Among various Tantric paths Abhinavagupta also recognizes and cherishes Kaula who do believe in Panca Makaras. This becomes clear by the fact that the most revered teacher of Abhinavagupta in his Tantraloka is Sambhunatha who taught him the same path.^[24] Similarly, Abhinavagupta himself acknowledges that the aspirant can get access to Jagadananda (divine bliss) beyond limits through sensual pleasures.^[25]

Regarding Kaulas, writes Somdeva:

[R]efers in the Yasastilaka to the Kaulas whom he identifies with the followers of Trika. He is very critical of the Trika Kaulas whose antinomian behaviour he took to be no more than a sign of their depravity. If salvation were the fruit of reckless living, he says, then it would sooner come to thugs and butchers than to Kaulas.^[26]

Kalhana鈥檚 silence on Abhinavagupta was presumably a deliberate attempt on former鈥檚 part. This can be deduced from the fact that both these teachers had a common disciple namely Rajanaka Jayaratha, who wrote exegesis called Viveka on Abhinavagupta鈥檚 Tantraloka.^[27] Having a common disciple makes one to suggest that this disciple would have acted as Parichayakara (introducer) of Abhinavagupta to Kalhana, if not vice-versa.^[28] This is because Abhinavagupta didn鈥漷 live in Kalhana鈥渟 century (12^th century A.D). However there emerges a critical question of how Kalhana鈥檚 silence on Abhinavagupta in Rajatarangini can be justified as a deliberate attempt, when the nature of Rajatarangini is political and Abhinavagupta was not any political figure or not even associated to the court of any King. There is no doubt in the fact that the dominant focus of Rajatarangini is political narrative of the aristocratic class but it doesn鈥漷 mean that the other aspects of society are not touched upon. In Rajatarangini we have references about society, religion, culture, geography etc. Similarly, with regard to religious personalities he refers various Brahmanical and Buddhist teachers and even in just one verse Bhatta Kallata, 9th century A.D, Taranga 7, verse 93, he refers another Abhinava, the foster-brother of Kayyamantaka and was killed in fight and in

²⁴ G.T. Deshpande, Abhinavagupta (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 2017), 17.²⁵ B.N Pandit, Aspects of Kashmir Saivism (Srinagar: Utpal Publications, 1977), 155.

²⁶ Dyczkowski, The Doctrine of Vibration, 16.

²⁷ Mohan, Early Medieval History of Kashmir, 294.

²⁸ For more details see, Mohan, Early Medieval History of Kashmir, 311.

thinker of Trika Saivism.^[29] But he doesn鈥漷 mention Abhinavagupta (10-11^th century A.D), who was closer to him than Bhatta Kallata and many other religious teachers. All this is presumably because of the reason that the version of Abhinavagupta鈥檚 Saivism (Tantric), which kept the scope open for Panca Makaras to reach out ultimate goal, was not acceptable to Kalhana鈥檚 own version of Saivism(VedicPuranic).

Last but not least, the difficult nature of Trika Saivism鈥檚 Philosophy (Pratyabhijna) and its confinement in a particular language (Sanskrit), to which the majority of then Kashmiris had no access, became a further impediment to percolate it down to the common masses.^[30] The difficult nature of its philosophy can be deduced from the fact that nothing can be understood from the Sutras of its foundational Tantric scripture (Siva Sutras) without interpreting and explaining them in the appropriate context. For example without defining them in the proper context, two Sutras, Jnanam Bandhah (Knowledge is bondage) and Jnana Jagrat (knowledge awakes) appear contradictory to each other.^[31]  

Similarly, on its core philosophical text Isvara Pratyabhijna karika, four exegeses were written to simplify the philosophical nuances which include Vritti and Vivritti by Utpaladeva himself, Vimarsni or Laghvi Vritti and Vivritti Vimarsni or Brihati Vritti by Abhinavagupta. Abhinavagupta鈥檚 Vimarsni is an exegesis on Utpala鈥檚 direct text (Isvara Pratyabhijna Karika) while as Vivritti Vimarsni is exegesis on exegesis of Utpaladeva (Vivritti). Even the statement of its versatile genius Abhinavagupta substantiates the above view. He writes that he couldn鈥漷 find anyone capable of following the path of Trika as per Tantraloka thus wishes someone by Parma Siva鈥檚 grace to achieve perfection in this tradition.^[32] This is presumably the reason that Madhuraja refers it Rahasya Sampradaya (mysterious tradition). However, it was only in mid-fourteenth century A.D. that a saint-poetess called Lalleshwari, Lal Ded, Lal Moje (henceforth Lal Ded) tried to percolate it down from intellectual class to common masses.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Radha Champakalakshmi, Religion, Tradition and Ideology Pre-Colonial South India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 2.

[2]:

Krishna Mohan, Early Medieval History of Kashmir: with special reference to the Loharas A.D. 1003-1171(New Delhi: Meharchand Lachhmandas, 1981), 292.

[3]:

Ksemaraja, Siva Sutra Vimarshini (Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies. Srinagar: Archaeology and Research Department, Jammu and Kashmir State, 1911), Prathama Unmesa.

[4]:

Muhammad Ashraf Wani, Islam in Kashmir: Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century (Srinagar: Oriental Publishing House, 2004), 87-90.

[5]:

Abhinavagupta, Tantraloka, Ahanika 1, verse 14 and Ahanika 37, verse 7-8.

[6]:

Mark S.G. Dyczkowski, The Doctrine of Vibration: An Analysis of the Doctrines and Practices of Kashmir Shaivism (New York: State university of New York Press, 1987) 14.

[7]:

Wani, Islam in Kashmir, 99-103.

[8]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, trans. M.A Stein (New Delhi: Living Thoughts, 2010), Taranga 5, verse 66.

[9]:

This Gupta dynasty should not be confused with the imperial Guptas who ruled north india from 4^th to 7^th century A.D

[10]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 6, verse 137-42.

[11]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 6, verse 169-78

[12]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 6, verse 299-308.

[13]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 7, verse 180-85.

[14]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 7, verse 524-27.

[15]:

See Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 8.

[16]:

See, John Siudmak, The Hindu-Buddhist Sculpture of Ancient Kashmir and its influences (Leiden: Brill, 2013).

[17]:

Ram Chandra Kak, Ancient Monuments of Kashmir (Srinagar: Gulshan Publishers, 2002),136-37.

[18]:

Kak, Ancient Monuments of Kashmir, 141.

[19]:

V.N Drabu, Saivagamas: A Study in the Socio-Economic Ideas and Institutions of Kashmir: (200 B.C to A.D 700) (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1990), 20.

[20]:

This becomes clear at the very outset of each Taranga of his text, where he pay gratitude and salutations to Siva in the form of Ardhnaresvara,

[21]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 7, verse 273-78.

[22]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 7, verse 284.

[23]:

Although Kalhana refers three Abhinava鈥檚 in his text. For example in Taranga 6, verse 130, he refers Abhinava as writer and grandfather of King Parvagupta (949-950 A.D). Similarly in Taranga 7, verse 159 he refers a Damara Abhinava from Samala. But all these Abhinava鈥檚 have no resemblance with a Saivite Philosopher, Dramatist, literary critique and saint called Abhinavagupta.

[24]:

G.T. Deshpande, Abhinavagupta (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 2017), 17.

[25]:

B.N Pandit, Aspects of Kashmir Saivism (Srinagar: Utpal Publications, 1977), 155.

[26]:

Dyczkowski, The Doctrine of Vibration, 16.

[27]:

Mohan, Early Medieval History of Kashmir, 294.

[28]:

For more details see, Mohan, Early Medieval History of Kashmir, 311.

[29]:

Kalhana, Rajatarangini, Taranga 5, verse 66.

[30]:

In the last canto (chapter) of Vikramankdevcaritam, Bilhana informs us that the women of then Kashmir鈥檚 capital Parvarapura were speaking Sanskrit and Prakrit fluently. This statement suggests that both the languages were not lingua franca of Kashmir. See Bilhana. Vikramankadevacaritam. Varanasi: Sanskrit Sahitya Research Committee, 1958. Similarly, Shonaleeka Kaul writes that references in Rajatarangini suggest that Kashmiri was language of common Kashmiri then. See Shonaleeka Kaul, The Making of early Kashmir: Landscape and identity in Rajatarangini(New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018), 140.

[31]:

Siva Sutra, (Jammu: Sanjivini Sharda Kendra, 2017), Sutra 2 and 8.

[32]:

Abhinavagupta, Tantraloka, Ahanika 35, verse 43-44.