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This chapter deals mainly with epigraphic sources, other category of sources have only been used for a comparative study and for finding parallels to develop a better understanding. Elephants find mention in epigraphic data in three different contexts. Firstly as a part of myths and narratives, secondly the actual reference to elephants wherein their varied usages or functionalities are described and finally as metaphors and other miscellaneous usages. As far as data from epigraphic sources are concerned these are more reliable and provide us with a chronological contextuality. As the reference to elephants is concerned we find a geographical bias in the inscriptions, those from the regions surrounding Mysore, Central India, Odisha and Bengal are replete with reference to elephants in varied contexts.

The previous researches on elephants in the early Indian context have not explored the epigraphic data systematically. Here we have attempted a homogenous random sampling of epigraphic data. This data has been arranged both in chronological order and again in contextual mode and used for further analysis. The treatises on elephants i.e. the literary source available is unique but these are mostly instructive in nature.

The earliest inscriptions from the Indian subcontinent are from the Harappan civilization (c. 2500-1500 BCE). But these are yet to be deciphered. Elephants however form a part of the context of some Harappan seals thus the Harappans were aware or familiar with elephants. The most familiar among them is a steatite seal that was discovered from Mohenjodaro, depicting a three headed seated human figure in yogic posture wearing a horned headdress surrounded by four wild animals along with elephant, tiger, water buffalo and rhinoceros.

[1. Proto-艢颈惫补 image on Harappan seal. ]

In the conclusive stage of the Harappan civilization some bronze animal figurines have been unearthed from Daimabad (Maharashtra) among them beautifully carved elephant with full muscular bodily strength has been found. Though elephats form a part of the theme yet it is quite difficult to conclude whether the animal was domesticated or was considered as a wild beast. Heinrich Zimmer mentions about a Harappan seal where an elephant is shown standing before a feed-trough. This has led the scholar to assume the domesticated position of the animal and its use in the human household^[1].

Elephants formed as an essential element of warfare in India and gradually we find its demand outside the subcontinent as well. The Susa inscription^[2] of Darius I of Persia (c. 522486 BCE) reveals that he was a great builder and the palace he built at Susa which bears this inscrciption mentions various objects brought by Darius鈥檚 subjects from different parts of the world for decorating the same.

It states:

鈥淭丑别 ivory was wrought here, was brought from Ethiopia and from Sind and from Arachosia鈥�^[3].

Sind probably was famous for ivory at that time. But since there is no geographical evidence of that region providing a habitat for elephants鈥� ivory for Sind market would have been procured from the neighboring regions of the Indian subcontinent. What may be deduced with certainty is that India was exporting ivory as early as the 6^th Century BCE.^[4] In this context corroborative data is available from numismatic sources. Coins of the Mecedonion king Alexander the Great (c. 326-323 BCE) bear the elephant motif. The obverse device of a silver decadrachm of Alexander shows a cavalryman identified as a Mecedonian by his Phrygian-style helmet and characteristic long lance, charging at an elephant with two wariors mouted on its back. The reverse shows another Mecedonian horseman, standing and being crowned by a winged Victory but still wearing his distinctive helmet. The coin is obviously a reference to the Mecedonian victory at the Hydaspes and it is just as clear that the Mecedonian figure is intended to be Alexander himself. And the standing figure mounted on the elephant and brandishing a spear on the obverse has been identified as Porus. Even the coins of the Bactrian king Demetrius I (c. 200-185 BCE) depict the king wearing an elephant scalp on the obverse. This is symbolic and bears a reference to his victory over Indian territories. Thus in the 2^nd century BCE elephant almost represented India at least symbolically which reflect the importantce of this animal to the western world and its demand as well.

However in the Indian context after the Harappan records the earliest epigraphic data in the sub continent are the 础艣辞办补n inscriptions which have been found from Afghanistan in the north-west to Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh in the southern part of the subcontinent. As far as the records of 础艣辞办补 are concerned Major Rock Edict IV refers to celestial elephants^[5] which shows the fantasy associated with the animal even in the 3^rd century BCE. In the previous chapter we have already shown that 碍补耻峁璱濒测补鈥檚 础谤迟丑补艣腻蝉迟谤补 refers to the officials named 贬补蝉迟测腻诲丑测补办峁�a the officer incharge of elephants whose primary duty was to give protection and look after the preservation of elephants. Killing of elephant was a punishable offence and the guilty was given capital punishment.^[6]

This data is partially corroborated in the Pillar Edict V of 础艣辞办补 issued in his twenty seventh regnal year post coronation, wherein he ordered his subjects that on three seasonal full moon days and at the full moon day of the month of 罢颈峁�y补 (笔补耻峁�a), for three days, namely, the fourteenth and fifteenth days (of the particular fortnight) and the (next) first day (of the second fortnight) as constantly on every (upasatha or) fast day, along with other animals the elephants of elephant-forest are also not to be killed and this act is punishable鈥�

鈥�苍腻驳补-vansi-keva峁璦bhogasi y膩ni a峁僴膩ni pi j墨vanikay膩ni no ha峁僼aviy膩ni鈥�^[7].

The term 苍腻驳补vana refers to an elephant preserve. This term is also found both in Pali and in Sanskrit languages. It occurs repeatedly in the Pali Culahatthipadopamasutta of the Majjhima 狈颈办腻测补^[8] and in B膩峁嘺bha峁�峁璦鈥檚 贬补谤峁�a肠补谤颈迟补 (Sanskrit).^[9] This reference to 苍腻驳补vana shows that taming of elephants in the Mauryan empire to some extent was a royal prerogative and the sale of elephants a royal monopoly. These 苍腻驳补vanas were reserved forests exclusively for elephants and used for the upkeep, taming and breading of elephants. 碍补耻峁璱濒测补 mentions an official named 鈥�腻谤辞丑补办鈥� [腻谤辞丑补办a] recruited for this purpose who was an expert elephant rider. This official is also metioned in Minor Rock

Edict II of 础艣辞办补 referring to a royal official post concerning elephants that is the 鈥�丑补迟丑颈测腻谤辞丑腻苍颈鈥� or 鈥渢he elephant riders鈥� (l.19)^[10] to whom his order should pass along with the scribe and the charioteer. So, it is clear that in the Mauryan period elephants not only played an important role in the army and were an integral part of the trasporation process but also the officials incharge of elephants i.e. elephant rider class were an integral part of the communication channel through which the imperial orders were communicated and implemented. Besides the written records bearing refernces to elephants it is worth mentioning here that at the Major Rock Edict site of Kalsi there is a sketch of a royal elephant with the inscription 鈥�Gajatame鈥� and at 碍补濒颈峁単补 the Major and Separate Rokc Edict site of Dhauli.

[2. Elephant motif on rock at Kalsi with inscription 鈥�Gajatame鈥橾

The inscription is engraved on a flat surface of rock which has a sculpted firocks/rocks bear the figure of the fore part of an elephant in profile bearing the single word inscription 鈥�seto鈥� i.e. 鈥淭丑别 White Elephant鈥�. Depiction of elephant may indicate the Buddhist affilication of 础艣辞办补 however this may not be the case as these elephants are not engraved or sculpted in the Minor Rock Edict Sites which were Buddhist in context hence they may indicate the presence of a royal record and elephant being a royal indicator here.^[11]

[3.Rock-cut elephant at Dhauli Courtesy: Basu Majumdar]

At other sites we do not get the scketch or sculpture of elephant but the association of the edicts with elephants is pronounced at few sites. For example at Erragudi another Minor and Major Rock Edict site the 础艣辞办补n records are incised on six large boulders. The hill containing the boulders is locally known as 鈥�驰别苍办辞峁囜笉补鈥� (i.e. 鈥渆lephant hillock鈥�) or 鈥�狈补濒濒补测别苍补办辞峁囜笉补鈥� (i.e. 鈥�black elephant hillock鈥�). It is difficult to determine whether this name was due to the existence of the figure of an elephant in the vicinity of the inscription as in the case of the Rock Edicts of 础艣辞办补 on the hills of Dhauli, Girnar and Kalsi. No representation of an elephant could be traced on the hill near Erragudi^[12].

Among popularly used terms are gaja, hasti, kari (he-elephant), 办补谤颈峁噄 (she-elephant), 苍腻驳补, pilu (usually used in North India) along with 腻苍别, 辫颈岣峣 and 诲惫墨辫补 (in South India). Terms like gajapati, 驳补箩补-蝉补丑腻苍墨 or 驳补箩补-蝉腻丑颈苍颈, 丑补蝉迟测腻诲丑测补办峁�a (North India), 腻苍别ya-驳丑补峁璦, gaja 驳丑补峁璦, 诲惫墨辫补 gha峁璭 (elephant squad), 腻苍别ya-蝉腻丑补峁噄, 驳补箩补-蝉腻丑补峁嘺-产别谤补驳驳补岣峞, 办补谤颈惫腻丑颈苍墨艣补 (officer or chief of elephant squad), 丑补蝉迟测腻谤辞丑补 (elephant rider), hastipaka or hastivaka (keeper of elephant), kari-turgga 蝉腻丑补峁噄 (senior trainer of elephants and horses) (used in South India) and 尘腻丑耻迟 (elephant driver), hastidanta (ivory), hastibandha or 诲补峁囜笉补 (tax on elephants) were also indicate the position of this bulky animal in the practical field of human day to day life.

[Table 1: Selective terms and their purposes used for elephants in epigraphs]

Terms (selective)	Purposes	Comments
Gaja, hasti, kari, 苍腻驳补, pilu, 办补谤颈峁噄	Point out to he-elephants and she-elephants	Variously used in North Indian inscriptions
膧苍别, 辫颈岣峣, 诲惫墨辫补	Point out to he-elephants and she-elephants	Variously used in South Indian inscriptions
Hastipaka or hastivaka	Keeper of elephant
Hathiya 膩roh膩ni, 尘腻丑耻迟	Elephant driver
Kari-turgga 蝉腻丑补峁噄	Senior trainer of elephants and horses	Used in South India
Hathiya 膩roh膩ni, 丑补蝉迟测腻谤辞丑补	Elephant rider
Gajapati, 驳补箩补-蝉补丑腻苍墨 or 驳补箩补蝉腻丑颈苍颈, 丑补蝉迟测腻诲丑测补办峁�a	Officer or chief of elephant squad	Used in North India
膧苍别ya-蝉腻丑补峁噄, 驳补箩补-蝉腻丑补峁嘺产别谤补驳驳补岣峞, 办补谤颈惫腻丑颈苍墨艣补	Officer or chief of elephant squad	Used in South India
膧苍别ya-驳丑补峁璦, gaja 驳丑补峁璦, 诲惫墨辫补 gha峁璭	Elephant squad
Hastibandha or 诲补峁囜笉补	Tax on elephants
Hastidanta	Ivory
Gaja 辫腻峁Ｄ佱箛补, 腻苍别ya-kere, 腻苍别ya-su峁囜笉il etc.	Places, named after this animal	Grants mentioned many places of boundary of the land

We have attempted a homogeneous random sampling of the epigraphic data using all the records published in Epigraphia Indica. These are homogenous in nature with no regional or geographical bias and neither are they time specific hence random in character. All the references to elephants and products and by products related to elephants have been considered as raw data. This data has been analysed using thorough sampling. From the collected samples we have eliminated the reference to elephant headed deity 骋补峁噀艣补 since it is a separate context and this data would not allow a homogenous meta-data analysis. In the religious aspect category references to 骋补峁噀艣补 or 骋补峁嘺辫补迟颈 have not been taken into consideration. Even the 惫腻丑补苍补蝉 have not been included in religious aspects. We have attempted both quantitative and qualitative methods to use the data for further analysis and interpretation. This data has been turned into meta-data as and where necessary. A total of 359 epigraphic records mention elephants and matters related to elephants. We have divided and classified this data thematically and what emerges from this thorough data analysis has been discussed below.

[Table 2: Analytical Chart from Epigraphic Sources: Themitical Analysis]

Sl.No.	Themes	Number of Records
1	Myths	10
2	Metaphors	57
3	Rutting elephants/ matta gaja/ mast elephant	41
4	Importance of rutting juice	2
5	Spirited rutting elephants along with their mates	1
6	King receiving blows of rutting elephants as a matter of praise	3
7	Capturing of elephants/ Capturing of opponent鈥檚 elephants/ King鈥檚 valour over enemy鈥檚 elephants/ Defeat of the troops of elephants of the enemy	38
8	Elephant power in battle/elephant squad/ war elephants/ role of elephants in warfare/ 肠补迟耻谤补峁単补蝉别苍腻, 辫补苍肠腻峁単补蝉别苍腻	75
9	Religious aspect	13
10	痴腻丑补苍补 of Indra	7
11	Elephant as gift	5
12	1000 elephants as gift	3
13	1000s of female elephants as king鈥檚 possession	1
14	1000s of rutting elephants in king鈥檚 possession	1
15	Elephants as war tribute	2
16	Epithets	40
17	Inspector of elephants	2
18	Elephant driver	2
19	King as a proficient elephant rider/ chief expert in elephant riding/	7
20	Elephant keepers	3
21	Officer in charge of elephants	5
22	Chief of elephant troops	3
23	Enemy elephant troop	7
24	Master of elephants pilupati	2
25	Elephant preserve/ reserve forest	1
26	Elephants and their association with directions	12
27	Elephant hunting	1
28	Elephant boulders	2
29	Elephant mountain a pilgrimage place	1
30	Trampling of elephant (frontal lobe) by lion (king)	10
31	King鈥檚 valour	4
32	础产丑颈峁�e办补-尝补办峁�m墨/ Gaja-尝补办峁�m墨	24 + 4
33	Chronogram	3
34	Elephant emblem on seals	20
35	Insignia/ Elephant motif on royal flag	1
36	Elephant goad emblem	18
37	Elephant as 濒腻帽肠丑补苍补	3+2
38	Royal elephant and donation of land	1
39	Use of elephant in measurement of land/ boundary marking	7
40	Availability of best elephants and geographical information	1
41	Frontal lobe anointment with lead paste	2
42	Elephant contest 办补谤颈蝉补峁僰耻濒补	1
43	Four tusked elephants/ Four tusked war elephants	4
44	Water-elephants/ tusk of water elephants	2
45	Elephants as cargo in sea voyage	1
46	Elephant and horse stable	1
47	Elephant hide	1
48	Good breed of elephants or well bread elephants varavarana	2
49	Capture of elephants
50	Elephant physician/ Expert in elephant science and medicine	2
51	Corporation of elephant riders	1
52	Ivory	1
53	Elephants in royal procession	1
54	Entrapping of elephant	1

The thorough analysis of the records the data for which has been culled using a homogenous sampling method reflects that the most popular theme in the records are elephant power in battle, capturing opponent鈥檚 elephants, rutting elephants form another popular theme as far as epigraphic records are concerned and apart from them another often mentioned topic is myths and metaphors centring elephants. The pie-chart given below shows the quantitative analysis of these themes from inscriptions.

Myths and metaphors form a common theme of epigraphic records. We have taken into consideration all the myths and metaphors related to elephants and created a comparative chart showing myths and metaphors in epigraphic sources. This analysis reflects that compared to myths related to elephants the use of metaphors was a more common practice in early India. For using metaphors in epigraphic sources it is imperative for the masses or the specific intended audience/ reader of the record to know the code and decode it as per the usage of the metaphors. This directly reflects that elephants formed a very common subject of metaphors at least as far as royal records are concerned. Most of the records which use such metaphors are eulogies or some or the other form of royal records and the abundance of usage of such metaphorical knowledge indicate that the animal was quite important to the royalty.

Epigraphic source is replete with reference to 鈥�mada鈥� or 鈥�matta鈥� i.e. mast or rutting elephants. There are 41 such references that we have come across in the process of homogenous random sampling. It is interesting to note that the reference to elephants of good breed is in sharp contrast only two. Two inscriptions also mention the importance of the rutting juice. One of the records also mentions spirited rutting elephants along with their mates which is quite interesting. How such rutting elephants were beyond control is a well-known fact and the more the number of rutting elephants in the army the more the chances of winning the battle. As such elephants would cause more destruction. One of the records^[13] also mentions 1000s of rutting elephants, though the number 1000 may be an exaggeration or a hyperbole yet it indicates a large number of such elephants in possession of the king. Similarly there is another such reference to 1000s of female elephants while describing a king鈥檚 possessions.^[14] These female elephants were used for alluring the male elephants and this was also a process of catching of elephants. There are ten references to trampling of elephant (frontal lobe) by lion (king) which is an alternative way of expressing the presence of rutting elephants and king鈥檚 victory depended on the destruction of such madahastis. Epigraphic records also mention how the king had received blows of rutting elephants in the battle we have three such examples. The above expression is praise for the king and his valour. The mention of rutting elephants may be compared to the mention of capturing of elephants, especially capturing of opponent鈥檚 elephants or the reference to king鈥檚 valour over enemy鈥檚 elephants and his defeat of the troops of elephants of the enemy such references add up to 38. Whereas when it comes to army or elephant power in battle or a proper elephant squad, war elephants or role of elephants in warfare especially as a part of the 肠补迟耻谤补峁単补蝉别苍腻 or 辫补帽肠腻峁単补蝉别苍腻 these count to 75, which is remarkable.

Chart showing the rutting elephants and associated comparative data:

We also have an interesting reference to corporation 驳补峁嘺 of 尘补丑腻尘腻迟谤补蝉 in the Nagardhan Plates of Sv膩mir膩ja.^[15] The term 尘补丑腻尘腻迟谤补 has been taken in the sense of a 尘腻丑耻迟 or elephant rider by Mirashi who has edited the record. Since this is a c. 7th century CE record and this term was not in much use in the sense of a royal officer as in the time of the Mauryas this has been considered as a 尘腻丑耻迟. The president of this 驳补峁嘺 is designated as sthavira. There were twelve pramukhas in the executive committee. The assembly of the corporation was known as samuha. It is worth mentioning here that one of the elders of the committee was called pilupati i.e. the chief of elephant force and another is mentioned as a hasti-vaidya or an elephant physician. It seems that the corporation had no authority to make any grant, as they requested the ruling prince to make one on their behalf, but what is interesting is that the corporation was allowed to affix its own seal which contained their own goad emblem on it. The emblem consisting of goad which is used for catching and training elephants is noteworthy which also shows the strength of the corporation. It definitely wielded considerable power in the state. However it should be mentioned here that there is another such reference to corporation of 尘补丑腻尘腻迟谤补蝉.

The records also reflect that chiefs and feudatories could demand for a supply of fodder for the animals of their retinue or animals which were accompanying them during their travel. Rutting elephants formed a very popular subject as far as inscriptions are concerned. Three inscriptions specifically mention the importance of rutting juice or the fluid secretion from the elephant鈥檚 frontal globe. We have discussed this in detail in our third chapter which focuses on the catching of elephants mainly on the basis of literary texts. Possession of rutting elephants is often highlighted and so is the campaign for capture of rutting elephants of the enemy. One inscription goes to the extent of stating the number of rutting elephants in possession of the ruler as 1000. Though this is an exaggeration yet the number would have been considerably high.

In this context it is worth mentioning that king 滨苍诲谤补谤腻箩补 is said to have many marks of the stroke of the tusks of rutting elephants in war on his broad shoulders

鈥�tasya prabhinn-办补谤补峁璦-cyuta-诲腻苍补-danti-danta-辫谤补丑腻谤补-rucir-ollikhit-腻峁僺补-辫墨峁环补岣�鈥�,鈥攙. 4

This is also an indirect reference to capture of rutting elephants of the opponent.

Kings are often eulogised as a lion to the elephants of his enemies鈥�

鈥�viorodhi-惫颈办谤腻峁僼补-驳补箩别峁僤谤补办别艣补谤颈测补鈥�
or 鈥�ari kari kumbha 惫颈产丑补峁単补 蝉颈峁僪补鈥�.^[16]

This is a reference to a metaphor or a myth that if the rutting juice of the elephant falls on the ground that ruler will be victorious. Hence killing all the rutting elepahnts of the enemy of capturing them and bringing them to ones鈥� own territory was considered lucrative. Elephants were associated with directions i.e. eight.

One of the records gives very interesting information, it states that 鈥�尘补诲补-惫补峁�峁�颈鈥� which was a black bee like ornament was tied to the frontal globe of elephants. This was probably done to make the elephants more hostile to enemies they were probably irritated by tying such toys created to give them the feel of honey bees, who have come to have the sweet flowing fluid.

In this case it is worth mentioning that one of the Kalacuri inscriptions, the Koni Stone Inscription of P峁泃hvideva II, year 900 mentions sorrow as the flapping of elephant鈥檚 ear鈥�

鈥�尘腻苍耻峁�y补峁� karikar峁嘺t膩lacapala峁� ni岣�sakhya (蝉补峁僰丑测补)诲耻岣�k丑腻蝉辫补诲补峁�鈥� (v. 29).^[17]

Hence elephants got irritated by the bees and flies which were attracted or rather misled by the sweet flowing fluid as nectar.

Epigraphic records mention that lord of Kuntala bestowed crores of fine divinely elephants and horses to his son-in-law (鈥�苍奴迟补苍补-bhadr-ebh-腻艣惫补-办辞峁璱鈥�).^[18] The expression 苍奴迟补苍补bhadra here is quite interesting as this would indicate that these were fresh captures of bhadra type of elephants. Such elephants were handsome, not over-stout and a good caravaneer and mainly indicates male elephants. This reflects that such terms like bhadra which were specific to the texts were also commonly used and masses knew these terminologies at least a few of them and could relate to them. Bhadra here probably is mentioned in the sense of a domesticated or trained elephant and has nothing to do with bhadra type of elephant which is an age indicator and a technical term from a 尘腻丑耻迟鈥� s or elephant doctor and catcher鈥檚 vocabulary.

Being able to ride an elephant or swiftly or easily climb on to it was considered as a quality of a king and his family members. In this context it may be mentioned that such references are found from eulogistic records. One of the records mentions this as a quality of a female. Jayake艣in鈥檚 senior queen Mai岣穉lamah膩dev墨 is praised in his record as a lady who was a good rider of elephants 鈥�Gandh-ebha-y腻苍别鈥�.

Inscriptions especially in the forested zones bear multiple references to metaphors and comparison of rulers and their skills with elephants and rulers are portrayed as expert in elephant sport. In this context we may cite here the Arthuna Inscription of the 笔补谤补尘腻谤补 颁腻尘耻峁囜笉补谤腻箩补: Vikrama Samvat 1136, i.e. 11^th century CE Vairi蝉颈峁僪补 is said to destroy the elephants (鈥�诲耻谤惫惫腻谤补-vairi-惫腻谤补峁嘺鈥�) of his foes like a lion.^[19] He became the master of the earth by having the periphery of the frontal globes of the brilliant elephants of the four regions of the space.

Another member of this family Kakkadeva is described to have long and solid arms just like elephant鈥檚 trunk鈥�

鈥�办补谤颈-办补谤-辞诲诲丑耻谤补-惫腻(产腻)丑耻-诲补峁囜笉补岣�鈥� (v. 17).

He fought his last battle seating on the back of an elephant rider 鈥�膩r奴岣峢o gaja-辫峁涐梗峁环补鈥�. Another king of this lineage 惭补峁囜笉补苍补诲别惫补, activity of 诲腻苍补 is considered as rutting juice (鈥�诲腻苍-补耻驳丑辞鈥�) of elephants, his arms were like elephant-trunk (鈥�办补谤-辞诲诲丑耻谤补岣�鈥�), his race was described as bhadra, i.e. brilliant or a high-bred elephant and he was resplendent as the Elephant of the Gods 鈥�sura dvipa鈥� (础颈谤腻惫补迟补) (v. 27).

His weighty sword is considered to the tethering-post of the elephant of victory鈥�

鈥�腻濒腻苍辞-vijaya-dvipasya鈥� (v. 45).

The king 颁腻尘耻峁囜笉补谤腻箩补 is said to destoyed his foes like falling out of pearls from the string of the frontal globe of elephants鈥撯��惫墨谤补 惫补谤别峁嘺鈥�. He was also skilled in destroying the elephants of his enemies鈥撯��测补蝉测补=腻谤腻迟颈产丑补-办耻峁僢丑补-sthala-dalana-辫补峁璾岣�鈥�.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Heinrich Zimmer. Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974, p. 95.

[2]:

R.Ghirshmann. Iran: From the Earliest Times to the Islamic Conquest, Penguin Books, 1954, p.165.

[3]:

V.P. Dwivedi. Indian Ivories (a survey of Indian Ivory and bone carvings from the earliest to the modern times), Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1976, p. 16.

[4]:

Ibid.

[5]:

鈥�惫颈尘腻苍补-dasa[n膩 ca] hathini ogi-ka峁僛dh膩]ni a峁僴膩ni ca diviyani [l奴]辫腻苍颈鈥�..(v.3, l.5)

[6]:

R.P. Kangle tr. Kau峁璱l墨ya 础谤迟丑补艣腻蝉迟谤补, Vol. II, 2. 31-32, Bombay: University of Bombay, 1963.

[7]:

Ibid. p.101.

[8]:

Trenckner, ed. Majjhima 狈颈办腻测补, p.178. 鈥�Seyyath膩 pi 产谤腻丑尘补峁嘺 苍腻驳补vaniko 苍腻驳补vanau paviseyya, so asseya 苍腻驳补vane 尘补丑补苍迟补峁� hatthipada峁� D墨ghato ca 腻测补迟补峁� tiriya帽 ca vittha峁�,鈥� etc., i.e. 鈥淛ust as when, O Br膩hma峁嘺, the keeper of an elephant preserve, enters the elephant-preserve, he may see in the elephant-preserve large foot marks of elephants both long in length and broad in breadth, etc.鈥�

[9]:

EI, Vol. II, p. 266.

[10]:

EI, Vol. XXXII, p.8.

[11]:

D.C. Sircar. Inscriptions of 础艣辞办补, Delhi: Publication Division, First Published 1957, Revised Edition 1967, p.19.

[12]:

EI, Vol. XXXII, p.1.

[13]:

EI, Vol. XIV, Haraha Inscription of the reign of I艣膩navarman [Vikrama Samvat] 611, pp. 110-120.

[14]:

Ibid., Vol.VII, Sir奴r Inscription of the Time of Amoghavarsh I, A.D. 866, pp. 202-208.

[15]:

EI, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 6-11.

[16]:

EI., Vol. XXVIII, Daikoni Plates of Prithvideva II: Year 890, 鈥�A峁ａ弓膩da艣=膩ri-kari-办耻峁僢丑补-惫颈产丑补峁単补-蝉颈峁僪腻岣� 辫耻迟谤腻鈥�..鈥� l. 7, p. 153.

[17]:

CII, Vol. IV, pt. II, p. 469.

[18]:

EI, Vol. XIII, Record of thetime of Vikramaditya VI and the Kadamba Jayakesin II: AD 1125, pp. 298-316.

[19]:

Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 295-310.