A History of Indian Philosophy Volume 2
by Surendranath Dasgupta | 1932 | 241,887 words | ISBN-13: 9788120804081
This page describes the philosophy of ayurveda literature: a concept having historical value dating from ancient India. This is the eighteenth part in the series called the “speculations in the medical schools�, originally composed by Surendranath Dasgupta in the early 20th century.
Go directly to: Footnotes.
Part 18 - Āܰ岹 Literature
The systematic development of Indian' medicine proceeded primarily on two principal lines, viz. one that of śܳٲ and the other that of Caraka. It is said in śܳٲ’s great work, śܳٲ-ṃh, that originally composed the Āܰ岹 in one hundred verses, divided into one thousand chapters, even before he had created human beings, and that later on, having regard to the shortness of human life and the poverty of the human intellect, he divided it into the eight parts, Śⲹ, Śⲹ, etc., alluded to in a previous section. But this seems to be largely mythical. It is further said in the same connection in the śܳٲ-ṃh , 1. 1 that the sages Aupadhenava, Vaitaraṇa, Aurabhra, Pauṣkalāvata, Karavīrya, Gopurarakṣita, śܳٲ and others approached Dhanvantari or پǻ, king of śī, for medical instruction. śܳٲ’s work is therefore called a work of the Dhanvantari school. Though it was revised at a later date by 岵ܲԲ, yet śܳٲ himself is an old writer.
A study of the ٲ첹 shows that the great physician Atreya, a teacher of īka, lived in Taxila shortly before Buddha[1]. It has been said in a preceding section that in the enumeration of bones śܳٲ shows a knowledge of Āٰⲹ’s system of osteology. Hoernle has further shown in sections 42, 56, 60 and 61 of his “Osteology,� that the Śٲ貹ٳ-ṇa, which is at least as old as the sixth century B.C., shows an acquaintance with śܳٲ’s views concerning the counting of bones. But, since Āٰⲹ could not have lived earlier than the sixth century B.C., and since the Śٲ貹ٳ-ṇa of about the sixth century B.C. shows an acquaintance with śܳٲ’s views, Hoernle conjectures that śܳٲ must have been contemporary with Āٰⲹ’s pupil, Agniveśa[2]. But, admitting DZԱ’s main contentions to be true, it may be pointed out that by the term veda-徱Բ� in śܳٲ-ṃh , hi. 5. 18 śܳٲ may have referred to authorities earlier than Āٰⲹ, from whom Āٰⲹ also may have drawn his materials. On this view, then, the lower limit of śܳٲ’s death is fixed as the sixth or seventh century B.C., this being the date of the Śٲ貹ٳ-ṇa, while practically nothing can be said about the upper limit.
But it is almost certain that the work which now passes by the name of śܳٲ-ṃh is not identically the same work that was composed by this elder śܳٲ (ṛd śܳٲ). Ḍalhaṇa, who lived probably in the eleventh or the twelfth century, says in his Nibandha-ṃg that 岵ܲԲ was the reviser of the śܳٲ-ṃh[3]; and the śܳٲ-ṃh itself contains a supplementary part after the 貹-ٳԲ, called the Uttara-tantra (later work). In the edition of śܳٲ by P. Muralidhar, of Pharuknagar, there is a verse at the beginning, which says that that which was so well taught for the good of the people by the great sage Dhanvantari to the good pupil śܳٲ became famous all over the world as śܳٲ-ṃh , and is regarded as the best and the chief of the threefold Āܰ岹 literature, and that it was strung together in the form of a book by no other person than 岵ܲԲ[4]. 䲹ṇi also in his Գܳī refers to a reviser (پṃs첹�); but he does not mention his name.
Ҳⲹ’s 貹ñᾱ on śܳٲ, śܳٲ-Ի or ⲹ-Ի, has an observation on the eighth verse of the third chapter of the Բ-ٳԲ, in which he gives a different reading by 岵ܲԲ, which is the same as the present reading of śܳٲ in the corresponding passage[5].
Again, ṭṭ Narahari in his վ貹ṇ� on the ṅg-ṛdⲹ-ṃh, called 岵ٲ-ṇḍԲ-ṇḍԲ , in discussing ūḍh-garbha-ԾԲ, annotates on the reading پ-屹 vipannāyāh, which 岵ٲ changes in borrowing from śܳٲ’s پ-貹Բ-� (11.8.14), andsavsthat پ-屹 is the reading of 岵ܲԲ[6].
That 岵ܲԲ had the habit of making supplements to his revisions of works is further testified by the fact that a work called Yoga-śٲ첹, attributed to 岵ܲԲ, had also a supplementary chapter, called Uttara-tantra, in addition to its other chapters,
This makes it abundantly clear that what passes as the śܳٲ-ṃh was either entirely strung together from the traditional teachings of śܳٲ or entirely revised and enlarged by 岵ܲԲ on the basis of a nuclear work of śܳٲ which was available to 岵ܲԲ. But was 岵ܲԲ the only person who revised the śܳٲ-ṃh ?
Ḍaṇa’s statement that it was 岵ܲԲ who was the reviser of the work (pratisomskartāpīha 岵ܲԲ eva) is attested by the verse of the Muralidhar edition (Nāgārjunenaiva grathitā); but the use of the emphatic word eva in both suggests that there may have been other editions or revisions of śܳٲ by other writers as well. The hopelessly muddled condition of the readings, chapter-divisions and textual arrangements in the chapters in different editions of the śܳٲ-ṃh is such that there can be no doubt that from time to time many hands were in operation on this great work. Nor it is proper to think that the work of revising śܳٲ was limited to a pre-䲹ṇi period. It is possible to point out at least one case in which it can be almost definitely proved that a new addition was made to the śܳٲ-ṃh after 䲹ṇi, or the text of śܳٲ known to Ḍalhaṇa was not known to 䲹ṇi. Thus, in dealing with the use of catheters and the processes of introducing medicine through the anus (vasti-) in iv. 38, the texts of the śܳٲ-ṃh commented on by Ḍalhaṇa reveal many interesting details which are untouched in the chapter on Vasti in the Caraka-ṃh (Uttara-vasti, Siddhi-ٳԲ, xii).
This chapter of the Caraka-ṃh was an addition by Dṛḍhabala, who flourished in śī or the Punjab, probably in the eighth or the ninth century. When 䲹ṇi wrote his commentary in the eleventh century, he did not make any reference to the materials found in the śܳٲ-ṃh , nor did he introduce them into his own medical compendium, which passes by the name of Cakradatta.
䲹ṇi knew his śܳٲ-ṃh well, as he had commented on it himself, and it is extremely unlikely that, if he had found any interesting particulars concerning vasti- in his text, he should not have utilized them in his commentary or in his own medical work. The inference, therefore, is almost irresistible that many interesting particulars regarding vasti-, absent in the texts of the śܳٲ-ṃh in the ninth and eleventh centuries, were introduced into it in the twelfth century. It is difficult, however, to guess which 岵ܲԲ was the reviser or editor of the śܳٲ-ṃh ; it is very unlikely that he was the famous 岵ܲԲ of the ⲹ첹-, the great teacher of Śūnyavāda; for the accounts of the life of this 岵ܲԲ, as known from Chinese and Tibetan sources, nowhere suggest that he revised or edited the śܳٲ-ṃh.
Alberuni speaks of a 岵ܲԲ who was born in Dihaka, near dzٳ (Gujarat), about one hundred years before himself, i.e. about the middle of the ninth century, and who had written an excellent work on alchemy, containing the substance of the whole literature of the subject, which by Alberuni’s time had become very rare. It is not improbable that this 岵ܲԲ was the author of the ṣaܳٲ-ٲԳٰ, which is avowedly written with materials collected from the alchemical works of various religious communities and which deals with the eightfold miraculous acquirements (ṣṭ-).
But Vṛnda in his Siddha-yoga refers to a formula by 岵ܲԲ which was said to have been written on a pillar in ٲٰܳ[7]. This formula is reproduced by 䲹ṇi Datta, Vaṅgasena and by Nityanātha Siddha in his Rasa-ٲ첹. But since Vṛnda, the earliest of these writers, flourished about the eighth or the ninth century, and since his formula was taken from an inscription, it is not improbable that this 岵ܲԲ flourished a few centuries before him.
Of the commentaries on the śܳٲ-ṃh the most important now current is Ḍaṇa’s Nibandha-ṃg. Ḍalhaṇa quotes 䲹ṇi, of A.D. 1060, and is himself quoted by Hemādri, of a.d. 1260. He therefore flourished between the eleventh and the thirteenth centuries. It has been pointed out that sufficient textual changes in the śܳٲ-ṃh had occurred between 䲹ṇi and Ḍaṇa’s time to have taken at least about one hundred years. I am therefore inclined to think that Ḍalhaṇa lived late in the twelfth, or early in the thirteenth, century at the court of King Sahapāla Deva.
䲹ṇi had also written a commentary on the śܳٲ-ṃh, called Գܳī, the first book of which has been published by Kaviraj Gangaprasad Sen. Dr Cordier notes that there is a complete manuscript of this at Benares. ś Kara and Śrīkaṇtha Datta sometimes quote from 䲹ṇi’s commentary on the śܳٲ-ṃh.
Ḍaṇa’s commentary is called Nibandha-ṃg, which means that the book is collected from a number of commentaries, and he himself says in a colophon at the end of the Uttara-tantra that the physician Ḍalhaṇa, son of Bharata, had written the work after consulting many other commentaries[8].
At the beginning of his Nibandha-ṃg he refers to Jaiyyata, Gayadāsa, 첹’s 貹ᾱ, Śrimādhava and Brahmadeva. In his work he further mentions Caraka, īٲ, Jatukarṇa, śⲹ貹, Kṛṣṇātreya, Bhadraśaunaka, 岵ܲԲ, the two 岵ٲs, Videha, ᲹśԻ, Bhoja, Ivārltika ṇḍ and others. Ilari-ścandra was a commentator on the Caraka-ṃh. It is curious, however, that, though Ḍalhaṇa refers to 첹 and Śrimādhava Concluding verse of Ḍaṇa’s commentary on śܳٲ’s Uttara-tantra, chap. 66.
at the beginning of his commentary, he does not refer to them in the body of it. Hoernle, however, is disposed to identify 첹 and ٳپ첹 ṇḍ as one person. Vijayarakṣita and Śrīkaṇtha Datta, commentators on ’s Բ , refer to ٳپ첹 ṇḍ in connection with their allusions to the śܳٲ-ṃh, but not to 첹. A Patna inscription (E.I.I. 340, 345) says that King Bhoja had given the title of վ貹پ to 첹 ṭṭ. Hoernle thinks that this 첹 was the same as 첹 ṭṭ.
Hoernle also suggests that Vṛnda was the same as Śrimādhava referred to by Ḍalhaṇa. in his Siddha-yoga often modifies śܳٲ’s statements. It may be that these modifications passed as ’s վ貹ṇa. Since Gayadāsa and 䲹ṇi both refer to Bhoja and do not refer to one another, it may be that Gayadāsa was a contemporary of 䲹ṇi.
Hoernle thinks that the Brahmadeva referred to by Ḍalhaṇa was Śrībrahma, the father of Ѳś, who wrote his ñ첹-ٲ in A.D. 1111. Ѳś refers to ᲹśԻ as an early ancestor of his. It is not improbable that this ᲹśԻ was a commentator on Caraka. The poet Ѳś was himself also a Ჹ, and Heramba Sena’s ūḍh-bodhaka-ṃg was largely based on Ѳś’s work. Jejjaṭa’s commentary passed by the name of ṛh-laghu-貹ñᾱ; Ҳⲹ’s commentary was called the śܳٲ-Ի or ⲹ-Ի and Śrīmādhava or -Kara’s վ貹ṇa was called Śǰ첹-ٳپ첹. Gayadāsa mentions the names of Bhoja, SuraԲԻī and Svāmidāsa.
Ҳⲹ’s 貹ñᾱ has been discovered only up to the Բ-ٳԲ, containing 3000 granthas. Among other commentators of śܳٲ we hear the names of
- Gomin,
- Āṣād,
- Բ,
- Naradanta,
- Ҳ,
- ṣpԻ,
- Soma,
- Govardhana
- and Praśnanidhāna.
It may not be out of place here to mention the fact that the ṃkⲹ philosophy summed up in the Śī-ٳԲ of śܳٲ is decidedly the ṃkⲹ philosophy of īśvarakṛṣṇa, which, as I have elsewhere pointed out, is later than the ṃkⲹ philosophy so elaborately treated in the 䲹첹-[9]. This fact also suggests that the revision of śܳٲ was executed after the composition of īśvarakṛṣṇa’s work (about A.D. 200), which agrees with the view expressed above that the revision of śܳٲ was the work of 岵ܲԲ, who flourished about the fourth or the fifth century A.D. But it is extremely improbable that the elaborate medical doctrines of an author who lived at so early a date as the sixth century B.C. could have remained in a dispersed condition until seven, eight or nine hundred years later. It is therefore very probable that the main basis of śܳٲ’s work existed in a codified and well-arranged form from very early times.
The work of the editor or reviser seems to have consisted in introducing supplements, such as the Uttara-tantra, and other chapters on relevant occasions. It does not seem impossible that close critical and comparative study of a number of published texts of the śܳٲ-ṃh and of unpublished manuscripts may enable a future student to separate the original from the supplementary parts. The task, however, is rendered difficult by the fact that additions to the śܳٲ-ṃh were probably not limited to one period, as has already been pointed out above.
It is well known that Atri’s medical teachings, as collected by Agniveśa in his Ծś-ٲԳٰ , which existed at least as late as 䲹ṇi, form the basis of a revised work by Caraka, who is said to have flourished during the time of Kaṇiṣka, passing by the name of Caraka-ṃh[10]. It is now also well known that Caraka did not complete his task, but left it half-finished at a point in the 侱쾱ٲ-ٳԲ, seventeen chapters of which, together with the books called Siddhi-ٳԲ and Kalpa-ٳԲ , were added by Kapilabala’s son, Dṛḍhabala, of the city of ʲñԲ岹, about the ninth century A.D. The statement that Dṛḍhabala supplemented the work in the above way is found in the current texts of the Caraka-ṃh [11].
ś Kara in his 鲹ٲԲ- describes him as author of the Caraka-貹śṣṭ , and 䲹ṇi, Vijayarakṣita and ṇa-datta (a.d. 1240), whenever they have occasion to quote passages from his supplementary parts, all refer to Dṛḍhabala as the author. The city of ʲñԲ岹 was identified as the Punjab by Dr U. C. Dutt in his Materia Medica, which identification was accepted by Dr Cordier and referred to a supposed modem Panjpur,north of Attock in the Punjab. There are several ʲñԲ岹s in different parts of India, and one of them is mentioned in the fifty-ninth chapter of the śī-khaṇḍa ; Ҳṅg in his commentary identifies this with Benares, assigning no reason for such identification.
Hoernle, however, thinks that this ʲñԲ岹 is the modern village of Pantzinor (“five channels� in Kashmir) and holds that Dṛḍhabala was an inhabitant of this place. There are many passages in Caraka which the commentators believe to be additions of the śī recension (śī-pātha). quotes a number of verses from the third chapter of the sixth section, on fevers, which verses are given with the omission of about twenty-four lines. Vijaya-rakṣita, in his commentary on ’s Բ, says that these lines belong to the śī recension. Existing manuscripts vary very much with regard to these lines; for, while some have the lines, in others they are not found. In the same chapter there are other passages which are expressly noted by 䲹ṇidatta as belonging to śī recensions, and are not commented upon by him. There are also other examples.
Hoernle points out that Jīvānanda’s edition of 1877 gives the śī version, while his edition of 1896, as well as the editions of Ҳṅg, the two Sens and Abinas, have Caraka’s original version. never quotes readings belonging to the śī recension. Hoernle puts together four points, viz. that Caraka’s work was revised and completed by Dṛḍhabala, that there existed a śī recension of the Caraka-ṃh, , that Dṛḍhabala calls himself a native of ʲñԲ岹 city, and that there existed a holy place of that name in śī; and he argues that the so-called śī recension represents the revision of the Caraka-ṃh by Dṛḍhabala. Judging from the fact that takes no notice of the readings of the śī recension, he argues that the latter did not exist in ’s time and that therefore ’s date must be anterior to that of Dṛḍhabala.
But which portions were added to the Caraka-ṃh by Dṛḍhabala? The obvious assumption is that he added the last seventeen chapters of the sixth book (侱쾱ٲ) and the seventh and eighth books[12]. But such an assumption cannot hold good, since there is a great divergence in the counting of the number of the chapters in different manuscripts. Thus, while Jīvānanda’s text marks ś, Atī, Visarpa, Madātyaya and Dvivraṇīya as the ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth chapters of 侱쾱ٲ and therefore belonging to the original Caraka, Ҳṅg’s text calls the ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth chapters Գ岹, 貹, Kṣatakṣīṇa, Śⲹٳ and Udara.
The seventeen chapters attributed to Dṛḍhabala have consequently different titles in the Ҳṅg and Jīvānanda editions. Hoernle has discussed very critically these textual problems and achieved notable results in attributing chapters to Caraka or Dṛḍhabala[13]. But it is needless for us to enter into these discussions.
Mahāmahopādhyāya Kaviraj Ҳṇaٳ Sen, merely on the strength of the fact that the Ჹ-ٲṅgṇ� is silent on the matter[14], disputes the traditional Chinese statement that Caraka was the court-physician of Kaṇiṣka. There is no ground to believe as gospel truth a tradition, which cannot be traced to any earlier authority than Bhoja (eleventh century), that ʲٲñᲹ was the author of a medical work, and that therefore ʲٲñᲹ and Caraka could be identified. His comparisons of some passages from Caraka (iv. 1) with some ūٰ of ʲٲñᲹ are hardly relevant and he finally has to rest for support of this identification on the evidence of Rāmabhadra īṣiٲ, a man of the seventeenth or the eighteenth century, who holds that ʲٲñᲹ had written a work on medicine. He should have known that there were more ʲٲñᲹs than one, and that the alchemist and medical ʲٲñᲹ was an entirely different person from ʲٲñᲹ, the grammarian.
The most important commentary now completely available to us is the Āܰ岹-ī辱 , or Coraka-ٱ貹ⲹ-ṭīk, of 䲹ṇi-datta. Another important commentary is the Caraka-貹ñᾱ by Svāmikumāra. He was a Buddhist in faith, and he refers to the commentator ᲹśԻ. The Caraka-tattva-praī辱 was written in later times by Śivadāsasena, who also wrote the Tattva-Ի , a commentary on Cakradatta. We hear also of other commentaries on Caraka by Bāṣpacandra or Vāpyacandra, īśԲ-deva, īśvarasena, Vakulakara, Բ, Munidāsa, Govardhana, Sandhyākara, Jaya ԲԻī and the Caraka-Ի of Gayadāsa.
Among other ancient treatises we may mention the śⲹ貹-ṃh , discovered in Kathmāṇḍū, a medical dialogue between śⲹ貹, the teacher and , the student. It is interesting to note that it has some verses (MS., pp. 105-110) which are identical with part of the fifth chapter of the first book of Caraka. There is another important manuscript, called 屹Ჹ-, which contains within it a small work called Bhesaja-kalpa , a commentary by Veṅkateśa[15].
Agniveśa’s original work, the Agniveśa-ṃh , which was the basis of Caraka’s revision, was available at least up to the time of 䲹ṇi; Vijayarakṣita and Śrīkaṇthadatta also quote from it[16].
Jatūkarṇa’s work also existed till the time of the same writers, as they occasionally quote from Jatūkarṇa-ṃh[17].
The ʲś-ṃh and Kṣārapāṇi-ṃh were also available down to Śrikaṇthadatta’s, or even down to Śivadāsa’s, time.
The īٲ-ṃh (different from the printed and more modem text) was also available from the time of 䲹ṇi and Vijayarakṣita, as is evident from the quotations from it in their works. Bhela’s work, called Bhela-ṃh, has already been published by the University of Calcutta.
It may be remembered that Agniveśa, Bhela, Jatūkarṇa, ʲś, īٲ and Kṣārapāṇi were all fellow-students in medicine, reading with the same teacher, Atreya-Punarvasu; Agniveśa, being the most intelligent of them all, wrote his work first, but Bhela and his other fellow-students also wrote independent treatises, which were read before the assembly of medical scholars and approved by them.
Another work of the same school, called Kharaṇada-ṃh , and also a վś峾ٰ-ṃh, both of which are not now available, are utilized by 䲹ṇi and other writers in their commentaries.
The name ṃh , however, is no guarantee of the antiquity of these texts, for the junior 岵ٲ’s work is also called ṣṭṅg-h� day a-ṃh. We have further a manuscript called Vararuci-ṃh, by Vararuci, and a Siddha-sōra-ṃh by Ravigupta, son of Durgāgupta, which are of comparatively recent date.
The -ٲ-ܰṇa refers to a number of early medical works, such as the
- 侱쾱ٲ-tattva-ñԲ of Dhanvantari,
- 侱쾱ٲ-岹śԲ of پǻ,
- 侱쾱ٲ-kaumudī of śīrāja,
- 侱쾱ٲ--tantra and Bhrama-ghna of śī,
- Vaidyaka-sarvasva of Nakula,
- ղ-sindhu-vimardana of Sahadeva,
- ñṇa of Yama, ī岹Բ of Cyavana,
- Vaidya-Ի-ṅjԲ of Janaka,
- Sarva- of Candrasuta,
- Tantra- of , ձṅg- of Ჹ,
- Բ of Paila,
- Sarva-dhara of Karatha
- and Dvaidha-Ծṇaⲹ-tantra of Agastya[18].
But nothing is known of these works, and it is difficult to say if they actually existed.
It is well known that there were two 岵ٲs (sometimes spelt Vāhata). The earlier 岵ٲ knew Caraka and śܳٲ. It is conjectured by Hoernle and others that the statement of I-tsing (a.d. 675-685), that the eight arts formerly existed in eight books, and that a man had lately epitomized them and made them into one bundle, and that all physicians in the five parts of India practised according to that book, alludes to the ṣṭṅg-ṃg of 岵ٲ the elder. In that case 岵ٲ I must have flourished either late in the sixth century or early in the seventh century; for I-tsing speaks of him as having epitomized the work “lately,� and on the other hand time must be allowed for the circulation of such a work in the five parts of India. A comparison of śܳٲ and 岵ٲ I shows that the study of anatomy had almost ceased to exist in the latter’s time. It is very probable that 岵ٲ was a Buddhist. The ṣṭṅg-ṃg has a commentary by Indu; but before Indu there had been other commentators, whose bad expositions w’ere refuted by him[19].
, Dṛḍhabala and 岵ٲ II all knew 岵ٲ I. mentions him by name and occasionally quotes from him both in the Siddha-yoga and in the Բ , and so also does Dṛḍhabala[20]. Hoernle has shown that Dṛḍhabala’s 96 diseases of the eye are based on 岵ٲ’s 94. 岵ٲ II towards the end of the Uttara-ٳԲ of his ṣṭṅg-ṛdⲹ-ṃh definitely expresses his debt to 岵ٲ I. But they must all have flourished before 䲹ṇi, who often refers to Dṛḍhabala and 岵ٲ II. If, as Hoernle has shown, was anterior to Dṛḍhabala, he also must necessarily have flourished before 䲹ṇi.
DZԱ’s argument that flourished before Dṛḍhabala rests upon the fact that śܳٲ counts 76 kinds of eye-diseases, while 岵ٲ I has 94. Dṛḍhabala accepts 岵ٲ I’s 94 eye-diseases with the addition of two more, added by , making his list come to 96. had accepted śܳٲ’s 76 eye-diseases and added two of his own[21]. The second point in DZԱ’s argument is that in his quotations from Caraka always omits the passages marked by Vijayarakṣita as śī readings, which Hoernle identifies with the revision work of Dṛḍhabala. These arguments of Hoernle appear very inconclusive; for, if the so-called śī recension can be identified with Dṛḍhabala’s revision, both Dṛḍhabala’s śī nativity and his posteriority to can be proved; but this proposition has not been proved.
On the other hand, 䲹ṇi alludes to a Dṛḍhabala samskāra side by side with a śī reading, and this seems to indicate that the two are not the same[22]. The suggestion of ’s anteriority on the ground that he counts 78 eye-diseases is rather far-fetched. ’s date, therefore, cannot be definitely settled. Hoernle is probably correct in holding that Dṛḍhabala is anterior to 岵ٲ[23]. However, the relative anteriority or posteriority of these three writers does not actually matter very much; for they lived at more or less short intervals from one another and their dates may roughly be assigned to a period between the eighth and tenth centuries A.D.
岵ٲ IPs ṣṭṅg-ṛdⲹ-ṃh has at least five commentaries, viz. by ṇadatta (ṅg-ܲԻ岹ī), Aśādhara, Candracandana (ʲٳ-Ի), Rāmanātha and Hemādri (Āܰ岹-rasāyand). Of these ṇadatta probably lived in A.D. 1220. ’s ܲ-Ծśⲹ, a compendium of pathology, is one of the most popular works of Indian Medicine.
It has at least seven commentaries, viz. by
- Vijayarakṣita (Madhu-ś),
- Vaidya-峦貹پ (Āٲṅk-ī貹Բ),
- Rāmanātha Vaidya,
- īⲹ,
- Nāganātha (Բ-pradīpa),
- Ҳṇeś Bhisaj
- and the commentary known as Գٲ-Ի or վṇa-siddhōnta-Իy by Narasimha Ჹ[24].
Vijayarakṣita’s commentary, however, closes with the 33rd chapter, and the rest of the work was accomplished by Śrīkaṇthadatta, a pupil of Vijayarakṣita. Vṛnda (who may be the same as ) wrote a Siddha-yoga, a book of medical formulas, well known among medical writers.
In connection with this brief account of Indian medical works the Nava-īٲ첹, and the other mutilated medical treatises which have been discovered in Central Asia and which go by the name of “Bower manuscript,� cannot be omitted. This manuscript is written on birch leaves in Gupta characters and is probably as old as the fifth century A.D. It is a Buddhist work, containing many medical formulas taken from Caraka, śܳٲ and other unknown writers. It will, however, be understood that an elaborate discussion of chronology or an exhaustive account of Indian medical works would be out of place in a work like the present.’The Āܰ岹 literature, and particularly that part which deals with medical formulas and recipes, medical lexicons and the like, is vast.
Aufrecht’s catalogue contains the names of about 1500 manuscript texts, most of which have not yet been published, and there are many other manuscripts not mentioned in Aufrecht’s catalogue. Among the books now much in use may be mentioned the works of Śṅg, of the fourteenth century, Śivadāsa’s commentary on 䲹ṇi, of the fifteenth century, and the 屹-ś of 屹miśra, of the sixteenth. Vaṅgasena’s work is also fairly common.
Among anatomical texts Bhoja’s work and 첹 ṭṭ’s Śī-貹峾ī deserve mention.
The
- Aupadhenava-tantra,
- ʲṣk屹ٲ-ٲԳٰ,
- ղٲṇa-ٲԳٰ
- and Bhoja-tantra
are alluded to by Ḍalhaṇa.
The ܰ쾱-tantra and Kapila-tantra are mentioned by 䲹ṇi in his Գܳī commentary.
So much for the anatomical treatises.
- Videha-tantra,
- Nitni-tantra,
- ñⲹԲ-ٲԳٰ,
- ٲⲹ쾱-tantra,
- -tantra
- and ṛṣṇātⲹ-ٲԳٰ
on eye-diseases are alluded to in Śrīkaṇtha’s commentary on ’s Բ.
The ŚܲԲ첹-tantra on eye-diseases is named in the commentaries of 䲹ṇi and Ḍalhaṇa.
The
- Jivaka-tantra,
- Parvataka-tantra
- and Bandhaka-tantra
are alluded to by Ḍalhaṇa as works on midwifery.
The ᾱṇyṣy-ٲԳٰ on the same subject is named by Śrīkaṇtha, whereas the śⲹ貹-ṃh and Ālambāyana-ṃh are cited by Śrīkaṇtha on toxicology.
The
are also mentioned as works on toxicology.
Among some of the other important Tantras may be mentioned
- 岵ܲԲ’s Yoga-śٲ첹, containing the eight regular divisions of Indian Medicine,
- and Nāgāijuna’s ī-ūٰ and ṣaᲹ-첹貹,
all of which were translated into Tibetan.
Three works on the ṣṭṅg-ṛdⲹ, called
were also translated into Tibetan.
The Āܰ岹-ūٰ is a work by Yogānandanātha, published with a commentary by the same author in the Mysore University Sanskrit series in 1922, with an introduction by Dr Shama Sastry. It is rightly pointed out in the introduction that this is a very modern work, written after the 屹-ś, probably in the sixteenth century. It contains sixteen chapters and is an attempt to connect Āܰ岹 with ʲٲñᲹ’s Yoga system. It endeavours to show how different kinds of food increase the sattva, rajas and tamas qualities and how yoga practices, fasting and the like, influence the conditions of the body. Its contribution, whether as a work of Āܰ岹 or as a work of philosophy, is rather slight. It shows a tendency to connect Yoga with Āܰ岹, while the ī-ṃh屹ǰ쾱ٲ is a work which tries to connect astrology with the same.
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
dz’s Life of Buddha, pp. 65 and 96.
[2]:
DZԱ’s Medicine of Ancient India, Part I, “Osteology,� pp. 7 and 8.
[3]:
Pratisaṃskartāpīha 岵ܲԲ eva. Ḍaṇa’s Nibandha-ṃg, 1. 1. 1.
[4]:
Upadiṣṭā tu yō samyag Dhonvantari-maharṣiṇ�
Suśrutāya suśiṣyāya lokānā� hita-vānchayā
sarvatra bhuvi vikhyātā nāmnā śܳٲ-ṃh
Āܰ岹t-rayīmadhye sreṣṭhā mānyā tathottamā
sā ca Nāgārjunenaiva grathitā grantha-rūpata�.
[5]:
岵ܲԲs tu paṭhati; śarkarā sikatā meho bhasmākhyo �śniari-vaikrtam iti.
In the Nirnaya-Sāgara edition of 1915 this is II. 3. 13, whereas in Jīvānanda’s edition it is 11. 3. 8.
See also Dr Cordier’s Recevtes Decotwertes de MSS. Mēdicaux Sanserifs dans Flnde, p. 13.
[6]:
ata eva 岵ܲԲir vasti-dvāra iti paṭhyate.
[7]:
Nāgārjunetia likhitā stambhe Pāṭaliputrake, v. 149.
[8]:
Nibandhān bahuśo vīkṣya vaidya� Srībhāratātmaja� uttara-ٳԲm akarot suspaṣṭa� Dalhnṇn hḥiṣak.
[9]:
History of Indian Philosophy, vol. I, pp. 313-322.
[10]:
On Caraka’s being the court-physician of Kaniska see S. Levi, Notes sur les Indo-Scythes, in Journal Asiatique, pp. 444 sqq.
[11]:
Caraka-ṃh, VI. 30 and Siddhi-ٳԲ , VII. 8.
[12]:
asmin saptādaśādhyā kalpā� siddhaya eva ca
ⲹԳٱ ’gniveśasya tantre Carakasaṃskṛte
tān etān Kāpilabala� śeṣān Dṛḍhabalo ’karot
tantrasyāsya mahārtḥasya pūraṇārtha� yathāyatham.
VI. 30. 274.
[13]:
J.R.A.S. , 1908 and 1909.
[14]:
ʰٲⲹṣa-śī, introduction.
[15]:
See Dr Cordier’s Recentes Decouvertes de MSS. Midicaux Sanscrits dans VInde (1898-1902).
[16]:
See 䲹ṇi’s commentary on Caraka-ṃh, 11. 2, also Śrīkantha on the Siddha-yoga, Jvarādhikāra.
[17]:
䲹ṇi’s commentary, 11. 2 and 11. 5, also Śrīkantha on the Բ (ṣu-Dz).
[18]:
It is curious to notice that the -ٲ-ܰṇa makes Dhanvantari, śīrāja and پǻ different persons, which is contrary to śܳٲ’s statement noted above.
[19]:
Durvyākhyā-viṣa-suptasya Vāhaṭasyāsmad-uktaya� satitu saṃvitti-dāyinyas sad-āgama-pariṣkṛtā. Indu’s commentary, i. i.
[20]:
Siddha-yoga, I. 27,
ṣṭṅg-ṃg, 11. 1,
Բ, 11. 22 and 23,
�-, 1. 266,
Caraka-ṃh (Jivānanda, 1896),
Cikitsita-ٳԲ, xvi. 31,
ṃg, 11. 26.
Again, Cikitsita-ٳԲ, xvi. 53, etc.,
ṃg, 11. 27, etc.
[21]:
Hoernle thinks that the total number of 76 eye-diseases ordinarily found in the printed editions of ’s Բ is not correct, as they do not actually tally with the descriptions of the different eye-diseases given by aṇḍ do not include 貹ṣm-DZ貹 and 貹ṣm-ś varieties. DZԱ’s “Osteology,� p. 13.
[22]:
Cakra’s commentary, i. 7. 46-50.
[23]:
See DZԱ’s “Osteology,� pp. 14-16.
[24]:
Narasimha Ჹ was the son of Nīlakantha ṭṭ and the pupil of Rāmakṛṣṇa ṭṭ. He seems to have written another medical work, called Madhu-matl. His Vivarana-siddhānta-Ի, though based on Vijaya’s Ѳ-ṣa, is an excellent commentary and contains much that is both instructive and new. The only manuscript available is probably the one that belongs to the family library of the author of the present work, who is preparing an edition of it for publication.