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Not at all reticent in its description of sex is the 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补鈥攐r certainly the newly collated passages from Southern manuscripts. The instructions for 惫补箩谤辞濒墨 are directed first at the man as the agent then repeated with the woman as agent. My concern here is with the implications for conception of the instructions which involves a technical reading of such intricacies as whether the grammatical locative is stretching the penis over the vagina or into the vagina (stretched on it in 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 161). The instructions for the male practitioner involve external, non-penetrative sexual activity at least until after ejaculation (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 164). Conception could not occur from non-penetrative sex. The text does not specifically enjoin penetrative sex after ejaculation. The passage instead instructs the male practitioner in the use of tubes to draw the fluid upwards (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 165). However, bindu has clearly fallen onto or into (the locative can be taken either way) the vagina in the next verse: 鈥楾he bindu that has fallen into/onto the vagina (bhage) should be drawn upwards. One should preserve one鈥檚 own bindu that has moved by drawing it upwards鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 166). Conception could result from semen ejaculated into the yoni if that is what is being described in this verse鈥攂ut this is not specified in the text. In the section instructing the female practitioner, external sexual activity is prescribed before inserting only the head of the penis and then drawing up semen full of rajas (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 171-173). In this context of drawing up semen conception could occur depending on the stage of the woman鈥檚 menstrual cycle.

As we saw in the last chapter, in the latest collation of the 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 腻峁単颈谤补蝉补 becomes a substitute for milk and 鈥榯he second thing鈥� is a woman. In the previous chapter I focused on the fluids. Here I focus on what is, according to the term used in the sources, the vessel (办辞艣补). The man 鈥�drinks鈥�, either through his mouth or by drawing fluids upwards through his penis, the libation (颈岣嵞�) (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 156), the sexual and menstrual fluid of the women stimulated through non-penetrative sexual activity with the penis. The woman is the vessel (办辞艣补) to be drunk with an intensity verging on forcefulness (产丑峁浥沘)鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 157cd).

The pragmatic nature of the factual instructions compounds the sense of objectification and mere utility of the woman. The passage qualifies the type of woman to be used in this secret practice of 惫补箩谤辞濒墨 (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 158d).

The trope of secrecy is repeated in the following instructions in which,

鈥楢 man and a woman can easily obtain success. Having kept a very beautiful and sweet woman in secret, naked (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 159), get naked yourself and get on top of her as she faces upwards. Lie down, having stopped the breath, stooping a little outside鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 160).

Presumably the man is hunched over the woman, in a position to perform sex without penetration as he stretches his penis on the yoni (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 161). That the woman is kept in secret suggests deprivation of liberty, but the sense could be social concealment. This could be an acknowledgement that the practice is somewhat antinomian. However, many other yoga techniques are also to be kept secret. The trope of secrecy does set up a tension between the social acceptability of sexual practice, a counterpoint to the prosaics of sex motif I have been developing.

These practices are presented as done by the man to the woman in a manner which is not at all erotic but pragmatic and possibly harsh: one should have sex (yabhet) 鈥榬oughly鈥� or 鈥榝orcefully鈥� (苍颈峁ａ弓丑耻谤补) if the semen does not fall (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 163cd). The term yabh for sex is both unusual and explicit with the sense of 鈥榝uck鈥�. However, in its startling and unique passage the new collation moves from such unqualified objectification of the woman to flip the practice and describe not only how women should practice but uses the same rough terminology and objectification of the male partner.

The 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 details the steps of the practice for women: 鈥榦ne should have sex roughly (yabhayen苍颈峁ａ弓丑耻谤补峁�) outside the man until (yat) there is a result through the penis鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 171). Yat is being taken as a contraction of 测腻惫补迟, 鈥榰ntil鈥�, i.e. until there is the result of ejaculation. 鈥極ne should combine the potent rajas [with] the semen of the penis. Having drawn the penis with both hands, enter just the tip鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 172). The tautological Sanskrit could be glossed as, 鈥榗ombine the potent rajas with the ejaculated semen鈥�.

The tip of the penis is referred to as a jewel (尘补峁噄):

鈥榃hen the tip enters then one should perform the practice. After that one becomes capable of drawing rajas upwards鈥� (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 173).

The passage explicitly mirrors the man鈥檚 practice, with the exception that penetrative sex is specified. Perhaps this is the sexual vampirism caricatured in the vedic source by 尝辞辫补尘耻诲谤腻 and resisted by the man in his own practice of 惫补箩谤辞濒墨 by not penetrating the yoni. But then we have an omission. Whereas the man was given an elaborate scaffolding for drawing the fluids up through tubes and phut-sounds, the woman is given no details on how to draw the fluids upwards beyond the mere statement that she should do so (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 173). This lack of detail recurs in subsequent descriptions of the practice such as the 贬补峁环补辫谤补诲墨辫颈办腻 considered below and the seventeenth-century 贬补峁环补谤补迟苍腻惫补濒墨 and Yuktabhavadeva of the same century.

The results of the practice are that her rajas is undoubtedly not destroyed and in her body 苍腻诲补 becomes bindu (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 174). Bindu and rajas become one (别办墨产丑奴测补) in her body and all attainments (siddhis) arise (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 175). It is not clear whether there is a transition from rajas to 苍腻诲补 to bindu, but it is clear that rajas and bindu become one. How should we understand this possible transformation in the nature of rajas? Presumably rajas drawn upwards in this way is not released externally through menstrual blood or conjoined with semen in procreation. Thus, this practice reverses the depletion of vital essences that would otherwise be lost or destroyed. But what happens instead? Is this to be understood as the woman resorbing the menses of one cycle rather than releasing it? Or is this a temporary delay to the onset of menses such that the regularity of the menstrual cycle is influenced? Finally, could this be a more permanent cessation of the menstrual cycle such that menstruation is halted, i.e. voluntary amenorrhea?

The results stated for the female practitioner do not exactly mirror the results attributed to the man鈥檚 practice鈥攐f victory over death which arises through the fall of bindu and life from the preservation of bindu (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 167). As well as treating the man as object, and forcefully so, this passage involves penetrative sex and the woman drawing up the combined fluids. Conception is thus a possibility unless the practice is undertaken in a non-fertile period of the menstrual cycle or if all the semen were understood to be drawn upwards.

The 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 makes an apparently gender non-essentialising point in a variant reading in the western (蟺) manuscripts not collated in the critical edition: either the man or the woman will achieve success from practice irrespective of their gender, femaleness (蝉迟谤墨迟惫补) and maleness (辫耻峁僺迟惫补), should they have nothing but their own purpose in mind (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 155cd-156ab). 鈥業rrespective of one another鈥檚 gender, whether male or female鈥� (yad 补苍测辞苍测补峁� 蝉迟谤墨迟惫补pu峁僺tv膩napek峁�ay膩) could be more idiomatically rendered as femininity or masculinity. However, doing so invites a contemporary critical analysis which is unlikely to have been in the minds of the redactors. The eighteenth-century 叠峁沨补迟办丑别肠补谤墨辫谤补办腻艣补 makes the same point: they should undertake the practice with no regard to each other鈥檚 蝉迟谤墨迟惫补 or 辫耻峁僺迟惫补 (s膩dhayitv膩nyonya峁� 蝉迟谤墨迟惫补pu峁僺tv膩na-pek峁�ay膩 vidhim 膩rabhet膩m) (fol. 103v). That either man or woman might achieve success clearly includes the female practitioner as beneficiary rather than mere accoutrement to the man鈥檚 practice. But how should we take this instruction to not have regard to one鈥檚 masculinity or femininity? Does this simply mean that women as well as men are able to succeed regardless of whether they are biologically male or female? Or does it refer to the manner in which the practice is done, i.e. disregarding gender? Further, does this imply a disregard for sexual attraction or aversion towards the partner? The specification for the woman to be sweet and attractive (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 159) suggestions that a man would not choose a partner for whom he felt aversion. The woman is advised to select a partner who is 颈峁ａ弓补 and who knows yoga (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 177-178). 滨峁ａ弓补 can mean one who is desired, or simply a husband or lover. Even if it meant 鈥榦ne who is desired鈥�, these two verses twice specify one who knows yoga, suggesting that criterion trumps desirability. Without regard for femininity or masculinity could be understood as regardless of attraction towards the other on the paradigm of sexual tantric practices which range from ecstatic to erotic to visualised to resisted, categories identified by Hatley (2016). Hatley studies the latter, resistance to sex, as 鈥榯he razor鈥檚 edge observance鈥� (补蝉颈诲丑腻谤腻惫谤补迟补) of texts such as the 叠谤补丑尘补测腻尘补濒补 also known as the Picumata, 鈥榓 practice in which the male practitioner exposes himself to various degrees of sexual temptation without fully consummating the act, maintaining sensory restraint鈥� (Hatley 2016:5). The practice of 补蝉颈诲丑腻谤腻惫谤补迟补 in the 叠谤补丑尘补测腻尘补濒补, 狈颈艣惫腻蝉补 and 惭补迟补峁単补 emphasizes erotic appearance in the description of the female partner鈥檚 desired qualities, 鈥榓nd there are no statements that she benefits from the ritual鈥� (Hatley 2016:14). None of this particularly presages the instruction in the 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 to disregard gender if that is indeed the purport of the latter鈥檚 instruction. Mallinson notes parallels in Tibetan sexual yoga practices where practitioners are required to disregard one鈥檚 gender (Mallinson 2024:59n96). These statements give no acknowledgment of non-heteronormative sexual orientations.

The 顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 sets out qualifications for practitioners (顿补迟迟腻迟谤别测补测辞驳补艣腻蝉迟谤补 176-179) that relate to sexuality which I will consider as part of the prosaics of sex in the last section of this chapter. Here I turn to the 贬补峁环补辫谤补诲墨辫颈办腻鈥檚 passage on 惫补箩谤辞濒墨.