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Epigraphy is a fundamental source in investigating historical scenarios. Unfortunately, the inscriptions concerning or simply mentioning the 艢腻办补dv墨p墨yas are few in number, but they provide some important information.

Dating to the eighth century, the pillar inscription of J墨vagupta II, one of the Guptas of Magadha, informs us that he and his predecessor 狈补谤补蝉颈峁僪补驳耻辫迟补 B膩l膩ditya, who ruled over Magadha in the fifth century, held the Bhojakas in high esteem and donated lands to them (cf. HAZRA 952: 109). This inscription is in Deo-Bara峁嚹乺k, ancient V膩ru峁嚹玨膩, and concerns the granting of the village V膩ru峁嚹玨膩 to the sun, called Varu峁嘺v膩sin.^[1] The name of the village recalls one of the families in the Magavyakti, 痴腻谤耻峁嚹乺办补, and this village seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Arrah (贬颈苍诲墨 name 膧谤腻!) in the Bhojpur district, the present-day state of Bih膩r.^[2] Furthermore, the granting of villages to the 艢腻办补dv墨p墨yas echoes the granting of lands in the mythological accounts (cf. for example the 厂腻尘惫补惫颈箩补测补, paragraph 3.2.1). The previously discussed ownership of property does not seem to worry the Bhojakas, at least not in the fifth to eighth centuries.

The inscription states (FLEET 1888: 216):^[3]

鈥�12 摆鈥�] 鈥�惫颈箩帽补虃 pita-艣ri虃-Varu峁嘺va虃 si-产丑补峁�峁�补虃 raka-prativa(ba)ddha-bho虃 jaka-Su虃 ryamittre虃 峁嘺 uparilikhi-

13 [ta] 鈥︹�︹�︹��. gra虃 m-a虃 di-sa峁儁uta峁僷arame虃 艣惫补谤补-艣ri虃-Va虃 (ba虃)la虃 dityade虃 ve虃 na sva-艣a虃 sane虃 na bhagava-艣ri虃-Varu峁嘺va虃 si-产丑补峁�峁�补虃 raka

14 鈥︹�︹�︹�� ka 鈥︹��. va-pariva虃 (?)haka 鈥︹�︹��.. bho虃 jaka-Hansa-mittrasya sama虃 pat[t]ya虃 yatha虃 ka虃 l-a虃 dhya虃 sibhi艣-cha e虃 va峁僷arame虃 艣惫补谤补-

15 艣ri虃-艢arvvavarmma 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹��. bho虃 jaka-Rishimittra 鈥︹�︹��.. yataka峁僥虃 va峁� parame虃 艣惫补谤补-艣ri虃[ma]d-Avantivarmma峁嘺虃 pu虃 rvva-dattakam-avala-

16 [mbya] 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹�� e虃 va峁僲ah[a虃 ]ra虃 [ja虃 dhira虃 ]ja-parame虃 艣惫补谤补- 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹��. 艣a虃 sana-da虃 ne虃 na bho虃 jaka-Durddha(?)ra(?)mittrasya虃 numo虃 -

17 [dita] 鈥�. 摆鈥�]鈥�

(Ivi: 218):

鈥�(L. 12)鈥揃y the Bho虃 jaka 厂奴谤测补mitra, belonging to (the establishment of) the divine (god) the holy and sacred Varu峁嘺v膩sin, who was requested 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹��. the above-mentioned [village] 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹��.. together with 鈥︹�︹�︹��.. and the village, &c., was formerly bestowed by the Param锚艣惫补谤补, the glorious Ba虃 la虃 dityad锚va, by (his) own charter 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹�︹�� the divine (god) the holy and sacred Varu峁嘺v膩sin 鈥︹�︹��. by restoration to the Bho虃 jaka Ha峁僺amitra, and by those who presided at different times, vis. the Param锚艣惫补谤补, the glorious 艢补谤惫补惫补谤尘补苍 鈥︹�︹�︹��. [to] the Bho虃 jaka 峁歴himitra 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹��.. by the Param锚艣惫补谤补 Avantivarman. In accordance to this practice 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹�︹��.. assent to its enjoyment by the Bho虃 jaka Durdharamitra was given, by the grant of a charter, by the Maha虃 ra虃 ja虃 dhira虃 ja and Param锚艣惫补谤补 鈥︹�︹�︹�︹�︹��; and it is now enjoyed by him.鈥�

In the ninth century, we also have the Gha峁�墨y膩岣纺� inscription of Kakkura, near Jodhpur. The date on the inscription is 厂补峁僾补迟 918 (= 861 A.D.). The second part of it (N II) contains 11 lines, of which the tenth states, 鈥�摆鈥�] 濒颈办丑颈迟补峁� mage[na] M膩t峁況avi峁嘺 摆鈥�]鈥�,^[4] so we know that the inscription was commissioned by the Maga M膩t峁況avi. This points to the fact that Magas were well known in V.E. 918, at least in R膩jput膩n膩, the ancient Rajput kingdom, whose area corresponded approximately to modern 搁腻箩补蝉迟丑腻苍. SCHEFTELOWITZ (1933: 231 f.) states, 鈥業m 9. Jhdt ist der Mihira = 厂奴谤测补-Kult auch in R膩jput膩na belegt.鈥�

HAZRA (1952: 109) ARORA (1971: 59) and HUMBACH (1978: 234, n. 17) refer to a stone inscription in Govindpur (骋补测腻 district, Bih膩r) by the poet 骋补峁単腻诲丑补谤补. It is composed of 39 verses in 35 lines. The date at the end of the inscription is 艢腻办补 1059 (= 1137鈥�38 A.D.).

In the first stanza, the Magas are mentioned (KIELHORN 1892: 33):^[5]

devo joy膩t triloko ma峁噄rayam aru峁噊 yan niv膩sena 辫耻峁噛补岣�
艣腻办补诲惫墨辫补蝉 sa dugdh膩mvunidhivalayito yatra vipre mag膩khy膩 /
va峁吪沘s tatra dvij膩n膩峁� bhrami-likhita-tanorvbh膩svata岣� sv膩峁単a鈥斺��
艣膩mvo y膩n膩nin膩ya svayam iha 尘补丑颈迟腻蝉 te jagaty膩峁� jayanti //鈥�- 2 (Ivi: 338):

鈥�(2.) Hail to that gem of the three worlds, the divine 础谤耻峁嘺, whose presence sanctifies the milkocean-encircled 艢腻办补dv墨pa where the Br膩hmans are named Magas! There a race of twice-born [sprung] from the sun鈥檚 own body, grazed by the lathe, whom 艢a虃 mba himself brought hither. Glorious they are, honoured in the world!鈥�

The Magas are mentioned in verse 3, as well (Ivi: 333 Sanskrit, 339 transl.). The author himself was a Maga/艢腻办补dv墨p墨ya. According to this text, the first Maga was 叠丑腻谤补诲惫腻箩补, and 鈥榟is family had a hundred branches鈥� (ibid.). A certain 顿腻尘辞诲补谤补 belonged to his family, and he had a son, Chakrap膩峁噄, who in turn had two sons, Manoratha and 顿补艣补谤补迟丑补 (ibid.). We are informed that Manoratha鈥檚 mind was 鈥榩urified by the most sacred texts of 艢补颈惫补 doctrine 摆鈥�]鈥� (v. 13, ibid.). This Manoratha was a poet at the king of Magadha鈥檚 court, celebrated 鈥榓s a modern 碍腻濒颈诲腻蝉补鈥� (v. 15, Ivi: 340). This man had two sons, our author 骋补峁単腻诲丑补谤补 and his brother 惭补丑墨诲丑补谤补. The names of the cousins, 顿补艣补谤补迟丑补鈥檚 sons, are also mentioned: Harihara and Puroshottama (Ivi: 341).

This stone inscription contains various elements of significance: first, its richness of detail is useful in establishing historical context; the date at the end of the poem and the mention of the name of the king of Magadha clearly show the historical setting. Moreover, we have the names of many Magas/艢腻办补dv墨p墨yas鈥攖he author and his father, for exemple鈥攚ho were renowned court poets. Finally, yet importantly, we again find much information about the 艢腻办补dv墨p墨ya legend and cult: according to the Pur膩峁噄c texts, the Magas are said to be have born from the body of the sun. The inscription, moreover, does not only state that the Magas were brought to India by 厂腻尘产补, but also alludes to the story of 痴颈艣惫补办补谤尘补苍 shaping the rays of the sun god (cf. also BANERJEA 1974: 144; PANDEY 1971: 83). Furthermore, the 艢aivite nature of the text is clear, proving that at the beginning of the twelfth century, 艢腻办补dv墨p墨yas were involved in 艢颈惫补 worship, an indication that the 艢补颈惫补 branch had prevailed over the Saura one, merging together with it.

Based on the fact that they were called 鈥楤hojakas鈥� in the eighth century, whereas in the twelfth they were called 鈥楳agas鈥� or 鈥樑毮灏觳筪v墨p墨yas鈥�, HAZRA (1952: 109) suggests that this could be a consequence of the Bhojakas having been socially demoted, maybe indeed due to the possession of land.^[6] According to Hazra, this goes hand in hand with the fact that, in the 厂腻尘产补-pur膩峁嘺, the term 鈥�Bhojaka鈥� has been replaced with 鈥�驰腻箩补办补鈥� (Ivi: 110; we will discuss this topic later).

For the moment, I think it is enough to note these two elements, which are indeed interesting: first, we have clear evidence of the power the 艢腻办补dv墨p墨ya group had in the fifth, eighth and at the beginning of the twelfth centuries. Their legend was well known and they were actually part of the royal court. A second remarkable element is that their ancient settlements can also be confirmed by the epigraphic record; the regions of the R膩jputs in the Northwest (today鈥檚 搁腻箩补蝉迟丑腻苍) and Magadha (today鈥檚 Bih膩r) have seen the constant presence of 艢腻办补dv墨p墨ya 叠谤腻丑尘补峁嘺蝉. This testimony surpasses any possible speculation, because from these inscriptions it is clear that the 艢腻办补dv墨p墨ya tradition, which once reached the North Indian courts thanks to its greatness, is in line with the texts and has been cultivated throughout the centuries (cf. also paragraph 5.1.4).

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

This inscription is mentioned also by PANDEY (1971: 213).

[2]:

FLEET (1888: 214) locates it in the Bengal Presidency.

[3]:

I have maintained Fleet鈥檚 method of transcription, because I have quoted his text directly.

[4]:

For the text of the inscription, cf. HULTZSCH 1981: 279 f.

[5]:

Kielhorn presents the inscription in 诲别惫补苍腻驳补谤墨. I have transcribed it according to IAST standards.

[6]:

HAZRA 1952: 109: 鈥榌...] But from the tenth century A.D. the descendants of the Brahmins from 艢腻办补-dv墨pa called their ancestors 鈥淢agas鈥� or 鈥溑毮灏觳筪v墨p墨鈥� Brahmins but not 鈥淏hojakas鈥� at least in Magadha and Bengal.鈥�