The body in early Hatha Yoga
by Ruth Westoby | 2024 | 112,229 words
This page relates ‘Sectarian Affiliation And Doctrinal Change� of study dealing with the body in Hatha Yoga Sanskrit texts.—This essay highlights how these texts describe physical practices for achieving liberation and bodily sovereignty with limited metaphysical understanding. Three bodily models are focused on: the ascetic model of ‘baking� in Yoga, conception and embryology, and Kundalini’s affective processes.
Go directly to: Footnotes.
Sectarian Affiliation And Doctrinal Change
The ³ó²¹á¹»·²¹ corpus is defined by teaching physical practice. As well as this overall innovation change occurs within the corpus. These changes relate to both physical practice and the models of the body upon which practice is based. The ´¡³¾á¹›t²¹²õ¾±»å»å³ó¾± is itself marginal, arising in an outlier sect of ±¹²¹Âá°ù²¹²âÄå²Ô²¹ (Mallinson 2016). Throughout this period there is a burgeoning of literature on ³ó²¹á¹»·²¹ yoga and by the early fifteenth-century ±á²¹á¹»·²¹±è°ù²¹»åÄ«±è¾±°ìÄå physical practice is well established. Within these sources from the first half of the second millennium, sectarian affiliations both determine the reorientation of praxis and are themselves written out.
The early ³ó²¹á¹»·²¹ corpus contain sectarian identifiers and make universalising efforts.
The ¶Ù²¹³Ù³ÙÄå³Ù°ù±ð²â²¹²â´Ç²µ²¹Å›Äå²õ³Ù°ù²¹ offers an especially clear such statement:
(41) Whether brahmin, ascetic (Å›°ù²¹³¾²¹á¹‡aá¸�), Buddhist, Jain (Äå°ù³ó²¹³Ù²¹á¸�), °Äå±èÄå±ô¾±°ì²¹ or °äÄå°ù±¹Äå°ì²¹, the wise man endowed with conviction (Å›°ù²¹»å»å³ó²¹²âÄå) (42) who is constantly devoted to his practice obtains complete success. Success happens for he who engages in the activity [of yoga]. How could it happen for one who is not active [in yoga]? (43) Success in yoga does not arise merely by reading the scriptures. Shaven-headed or bearing a staff or wearing ochre robes (44) or saying â€�±·Äå°ùÄå²â²¹á¹‡aâ€� (²ÔÄå°ùÄå²â²¹á¹‡a±¹²¹»å²¹á¸�), having matted hair, smearing one-self with ash or having â€�namaá¸� ÅšivÄyaâ€� as one’s sacred utterance or worshipping external images (²úÄå³ó²âÄå°ù³¦Äå±èÅ«Âá²¹°ì²¹á¸�) (45) or marking oneself in the twelve places or adorning oneself with lots of rosaries: if one does not practise or is cruel, how is one to get success? (46) The wearing of religious garb does not bring success [in yoga], nor does talking about it. Practice alone is the cause of success. True, true is this, o ³§Äåṃká¹›t¾±. (Mallinson 2024)
I wish to extrapolate an epistemological as well as methodological point from this statement and ask what it is that texts do. This is not without regard for what the analysis of sectarianism can reveal, for example in relation to sex: for non-Å›²¹¾±±¹²¹ sources teach ritual sex[1] and Å›²¹¾±±¹²¹ sources do not.[2] However, I have not analysed the sources for sectarian affiliation systematically throughout the thesis. Partly this is due to the aforementioned resistance to seeking the earliest instantiation of a practice that is somehow uncontaminated; partly this is due to a different orientation, that of analysing how texts speak to bodily contexts, or how bodies of words relate to bodies of flesh. For example, the analysis of rajas contributes physiological implications of ritual sex for women (and men): that of non-conception; and the descriptions of women reveal caste associations that suggest sexual availability. Beyond this, I believe the point being made by this statement in the ¶Ù²¹³Ù³ÙÄå³Ù°ù±ð²â²¹²â´Ç²µ²¹Å›Äå²õ³Ù°ù²¹ is about praxis: creed and code do not deliver the benefits of yoga, only bodily practice does, the outcomes of which are evident in the body of the practitioner (Amaraugha 45).
Footnotes and references:
[1]:
The sources that teach ritual sex in the context of ±¹²¹Âá°ù´Ç±ôÄ« are the non-Å›²¹¾±±¹²¹ sources, though this does not include the ±¹²¹Âá°ù²¹²âÄå²Ô²¹ ´¡³¾á¹›t²¹²õ¾±»å»å³ó¾± which instead interiorises the union of bindu and rajas. The brahmanical ±¹²¹¾±á¹£á¹‡²¹±¹²¹ ³Õ²¹²õ¾±á¹£á¹³ó²¹²õ²¹á¹ƒh¾±³ÙÄå also does not teach ±¹²¹Âá°ù´Ç±ôÄ«-sex but neither does it teach celibacy. Instead, the sex that is condoned conforms to brahmanic orthodoxy on sex for procreation. While it does not teach ²ú¾±²Ô»å³Ü»å³óÄå°ù²¹á¹‡a it does revere Å«°ù»å³ó±¹²¹°ù±ð³Ù²¹²õ (³Õ²¹²õ¾±á¹£á¹³ó²¹²õ²¹á¹ƒh¾±³ÙÄå 6.14). The three sources that teach ±¹²¹Âá°ù´Ç±ôÄ«-sex are the ¶Ù²¹³Ù³ÙÄå³Ù°ù±ð²â²¹²â´Ç²µ²¹Å›Äå²õ³Ù°ù²¹ (±¹²¹¾±á¹£á¹‡²¹±¹²¹ non-vedic), Åš¾±±¹²¹²õ²¹á¹ƒh¾±³ÙÄå (Å›°ùÄ«±¹¾±»å²âÄå ±¹±ð»åÄå²Ô³Ù¾±²Ô) and ±á²¹á¹»·²¹±è°ù²¹»åÄ«±è¾±°ìÄå (proto-vÄ«raÅ›²¹¾±±¹²¹). Though they teach sexual practice these sources teach the avoidance of women in the early stages of practice.
[2]:
The Å›²¹¾±±¹²¹-oriented texts, those derived from ±è²¹Å›³¦¾±³¾Äå³¾²ÔÄå²â²¹ kaula whether North or South Deccan, do not teach sexual practice: the Amaraugha, ³Ò´Ç°ù²¹°ìá¹£aÅ›²¹³Ù²¹°ì²¹, ³Õ¾±±¹±ð°ì²¹³¾Äå°ù³Ù²¹á¹‡á¸²¹, ³Û´Ç²µ²¹²úÄ«Âá²¹ or °³ó±ð³¦²¹°ùÄ«±¹¾±»å²âÄå. Though they do not teach ²ú¾±²Ô»å³Ü»å³óÄå°ù²¹á¹‡a through ±¹²¹Âá°ù´Ç±ôÄ«-sex they nevertheless inherit a commitment to the principle of maintaining bindu upwards, through Å«°ù»å³ó±¹²¹°ù±ð³Ù²¹²õ in the °³ó±ð³¦²¹°ùÄ«±¹¾±»å²âÄå (2.109) and for the ³Û´Ç²µ²¹²úÄ«Âá²¹ bindu does not go down when the mind dissolves (³Û´Ç²µ²¹²úÄ«Âá²¹ 101). The Amaraugha is less concerned to retain nectar in the head but rather focuses on flooding the body with nectar and defines ±¹²¹Âá°ù´Ç±ôÄ« as when the mind is sattva and the breath flows in the central channel (Amaraugha 7).