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Lack of epigraphic evidence is a sore point in any reconstruction of the administrative machinery of ancient Kashmir and we have to rely primarily on the evidence of the Rajatarangini and the other literary works which make incidental references to it According to Kalhana, Kashmir was governed in the same fashion as the rest of the country prior to the administrative reforms introduced in that country by Jalauka, son of Emperor Asoka Maurya? This statement of the chronicler leads us to infer that though Kashmir was included into the far-flung empire of that Mauryan Emperor, it did not enjoy the full benefits of the Mauryan system of administration, as, otherwise, there would not have been much scope for Jalauka to introduce any reforms therein. As such, we are unable to agree with Dr. Ray that "Possibly the Mauryan system of administration was in vogue at that time 4" The government of the Valley, prior to the reforms of Jalauka, was manned by seven chief 1. e.g. Kuttanimata Kavya by Damodaragupta; Desopadesa - Narmamala, Samayamatika and Dasavataracharita by Kshemendra; Dvitiyarajatarangini by Jonaraja, etc. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 118-20. 3. Ibid.,I, 1, 101 ff. 4. Ray, S.C., E.H.C.K., p. 124.

483 state officials viz., 'the judge, the revenue superintendent, the treasurer, the commander of the army, the envoy, the Purohita and the astrologer Jalauka raised the number of important offices of the State to eighteen but, unfortunately for us, Kalhana does not enumerate them? This non-enumeration of the eighteen offices (Karmasthanas) and 'the absence of any corroborative evidence' have given rise to suspicion in the minds of some scholars about the veracity of Kalhana's statement. But, since Kalhana explicitly states that, by introducing these offices, Jalauka 'created ...... a condition of things as under Yudhishthera' we feel justified in equating them with those mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Mauryan system of administration, as enunciated in the Arthasastra of Kautilya and with 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 119. 2. Ibid., I, 1, 120. 3. Ray, S.C., E.H.C.K., p. 125. Dr. Ray, however, admits the possibility of these eighteen offices corresponding to those enumerated in the Mahabharata (ibid.) 4. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 120; cf. also Pandit's translation and foot-note on the same. 5. Mahabharata, II, v, 38. The eighteen offices are: mantrin, purohita, yuvaraja, senapati, dvarapala, antarvesika, karagaradhikarin, dravyasanchayakrit. sannidhatri, pradeshtri, nagaradhyaksha, karyani rmanakartti, dharmadhyaksha, sabhadhya鈻� ksha, dandapati, 'durgapala, rashtrantapala and atavipala.

484 which Jalauka must have been quite familiar, speaks of eighteen tirthas or offices. And we may well adduce the inference that Jalauka basically followed the same pattern but made certain changes in the designations of these offices to suite the local conditions obtaining there at that time. is The system of administration as imposed on the people of the Valley seems to have been followed by all rulers with some modifications and innovations till the beginning of the 8 th century A.D. when Emperor Lalitaditya introduced certain reforms in it? A new addition to the eighteen offices, during the intervening period, seems to have been that of Asvagha sakayastha, held by Durlabhavaradhana before he was called upon to assume royalty³. Some scholars have taken the office of the nagaradhipa as another innovation of the same period, but we would prefer to equate it with that of the nagaradhyaksha, which office figures in the list of the eighteen in the Mahabharata and noted above. 1. Arthasastra, I, 12, cf.c. also Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, p. 133 ff; Puri, B.N., History of Indian Administration, vol. I, pp. 55-56. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 141, p. 12. 3. Ibid., I, iii, 489. 4. Ray, S.C., E.H.C.K., p. 125.

485 With the extension of territories and consequent increase in the responsibilities of the State, the administrative system of the Valley seems to have undergone considerable changes during its palmy days under Emperor Lalitaditya Accumulation of immense wealth through extensive successful campaigns/and conquests of that mighty monarch naturally led to an increase in the pomp and grandeur of the royal court and, at the same time, the Emperor must have felt the necessity of rewarding and accommodating those who had stood fast by him and shone to advantage in the innumerable engagements. According to Kalhana, Lalitaditya created five new offices viz., those of mahapratiharapida, mahasandhivigraha, mahasvasala, mahabhandagara and mahasadhanabhaga, which were termed collectively as panchamaha sabda. Scholars are not unanimous about the exact meaning or connotation of the latter term. Following Stein and Fleet, Tripathi, Ray and others have interpreted the term panchamaha sabda to mean 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 141-43. 2. Ibid., I, iv, 176, 189. 3. Ibid., I, iv, 140-43. 4. Ibid., fn. 5. Ibid. 6. H.K., p. 202 and fn. 1. 7. E.H.C.K., pp. 125-26.

486 five offices, while Elliot, Alyangar? and others have taken it to denote the use of five musical instruments as a mark of honour and distinction allowed by the ruler to some favoured high officer of the State. Since the creation of five new offices over and above the existing eighteen ones is expressly emphasized by Kalhana, we are inclined to follow the former interpretation; but, at the same time, we beg to offer the suggestion that such high dignitaries, who held that esteemed honour, were heralded in their State-outings by the use of the five musical instruments viz., the horn (sringa), the tambour (tammata), the conch-shell (sankha), the kettledrum (bheri), and the bell or gong (jayaghanta). Mitrasarman, who was formerly only a 'Minister for Peace and War' (sandhivigrahika) during the reign-period of Lalitaditya, was the first dignitary to have enjoyed that honour%3 subsequently, Jayadatta and Utpalaka also held that coveted office during the reign of Chippata+Jay Jayapida and Chippata Jayapida respectively. The bureaucracy was headed by a number of ministers and other high officials whose careers and 1. Indian Antiquary, V, p. 251. 2. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (N.S.), 1925, vol. I, p. 238 ff. 3. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 141. 4. Indian Antiquary, XII, p. 95. 5. Rajatarangini by Kalhana I, iv, 512, 680.

487 activities during the period of their tenure, and throughout the centuries under review, form a large part of the entire narrative of Kalhana. It has been stated that, prior to the administrative reforms introduced by Jalauka, the machinery of government was manned by seven high officials (consisting of a judge, a revenue superintendent, the treasurer, the commander of the army, the Purohita and the astrologer)². Jalauka, as noted above, thoroughly re-organized the administrative machinery, yet there is hardly any clear mention in the Chronicle of a council of ministers (mantriparishad) or of their joint deliberations on matters of paramount importance to the State, as envisaged by Kautilya's Arthasastra on the lines of which the Mauryan administration is said to have been based. A few references that might indirectly be suggestive of a ministerial council or a cabinet of ministers deliberating on matters of national importance may be taken notice of here. Emperor Lalitaditya, while on his Central Asian expedition, sent certain instructions to his ministers pertaining to policy 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 118. 2. Ibid., I, 1, 118-19. 3. Mookerji, R.K., Chandragupta Maurya And His Times, p. 78.

488 (to run the government in his absence) and succession (in the event of his death) The ministers seem to have asked for his directives on both these issues and followed his injunctions after taking note of them. It should be noted here that though the sagacious Mitrasarman had been rewarded with the title of panchamahasabda (as noted earlier), the responsibility of breaking the news to other ministers and the masses was shouldered by Chankuna, the Torcharian and the Chief Minister 3. The other refers to the period of the Regent-Queen, Didda, when she conferred upon Naravahana the title of Rajanaka in 'the council of ministers 4. Taking all these features together, we are inclined to believe that though Jalauka introduced the Mauryan system of administration partially in the Valley, he did not lay much stress on the constitution of a mantriparishad (so 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 340-60. 2. Ibid., I, iv, 362 ff. 3. Ibid., I, iv, 361; cf. also Stein's note on I, iv, 211, wherein the name Chahkuna has been taken to be the Sanskritised form of the Chinese title Tsiang-kiun. 4. Ibid., I, vi, 261. The other reference to ministers meeting 'in council' is to be met with a little later where the word 'Sammantrya' has been used by Kalhana (vi, 335). But we prefer the translation of Pandit, according to whom it should be taken to mean they (ministers) having taken counsel together.... and not 'they met in council' as proposed by Stein (ibid). '

489 much emphasized in the Arthasastra) probably in view of the conditions prevailing in those regions. As elsewhere, the ministers were appointed by kings and the Chief Minister bore the high-sounding title of Sarvadhikarin and was also designated as Agryamantri and Mukhya-mantri on several occasions. Besides the appellation Sarvadhikarin, another title, Rajanaka, has been used as a mark of high and outstanding honour for persons of eminence and importance in Kashmir The term, literally meaning 'an inferior king or a petty prince' according to Monier-Williams, and interpreted by Stein and Pandit to mean 'almost a king 16 is not to be confused with the office of the chief minister as it was also conferred on persons of outstanding literary merit in subsequent times and its corrupt form, Razdan, is still in use as a family-name in a section of the Brahmanas of Kashmir? There does not seem to have been any fixed number of ministers assisting the king in the discharge of 1. Arthasastra, VI, i. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 81; vi, 199, etc. 3. Ibid., I, iv, 215; vi, 194; II, viii, 2360. 4. Ibid., I, vi, 117, 261. 5. M. Williams, Sans.-Eng. Dict., p. 874, col. 3. 6. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, vi, 117 fn. 7. Ibid.; cf. also Pandit's foot-note on the same.

490 his duties of the State. Their numbers must have increased or decreased according to the exigencies of the times! The ministers were in charge of the different departments² (Karmasthanas) with their offices (adhikaranas) suitably staffed ³. The king was the sole appointing authority in so far as the chief minister or ministers were concerned. These appointments were supposed to be guided by the manifold qualities of head and heart viz., administrative ability, bravery and courage, knowledge of the laws and faithfulness to the king but, very often, persons of ability and character were ousted and replaced by the favourites of the rulers 5. Since caste-restrictions (as noted earlier) were loose in the Valley, there are instances of persons of Vaisya community becoming the chief minister. As noted earlier, the advince and opinion of the ministers in the all-important matter of succession 1. Beni rasad, State in Ancient India, p. 430. According to him"..... the administration (in Kashmir) developed gradually and the number of ministers rose accordingly." 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 120 (I, i, 120). 3. Ibid., I, vi, 38. 4. Ibid., I, vi, 199. 5. Ibid., I, vi, 194 ff; Phalguna, however, was recalled to office, ibid., 274. 6. Ibid., I, vii, 207-08.

491 to the throne carried immense weight. Besides, we have the instance of Mitrasarman, a Minister for Peace and War (sandhivigrahika) under Lalitaditya, refusing to ratify a treaty with an important adversary like Yasovarman on his own responsibility which act was highly commended by his master! Yet, at the same time, several ministers of outstanding merits were often disgraced and dispossessed of their offices due to court-intrigues and personal rivalries. However, the ministers, too, were sometimes guilty of conspiring against the kings 33 resulting in the assassination of the latter and many were inclined to line their own pockets at the cost of both the people and the royal treasury, as shall be noticed subsequently. While the chief minister was distinguished by the honorifics noted above, other ministers have been referred to, without any apparent distinction in the terms, by the familiar general terms of amatya, mantrin, sachiva and also as dhisachiva in the Chronicle. The 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 137-38. 2. Ibid., I, vi, 194-95, 260, 272 ff. 3. Ibid., II, viii, 293-328. 4. Pandit, R.S., Rajatarangini by Kalhana, p. 739. The learned scholar, however, makes a distinction between a sachiva and a dhisachiva and calls the latter a 'political adviser' (ibid).

- 492 office of the padagra however, deserves some notice here. It has been suggested by Stein that the office (of padagra) was 'directly managed by the prime minister 2 we, however, feel that it was the king's prerogative or sweet will to allocate it to any minister whom he deemed worthy of that charge 3 Besides the ministers, the Head of the Armed Forces was one of of the most important persons in the official hierarchy. He has been styled as Kampanesa Kampanapati, Kampanadhipa (ti) or Kampanadhisa? in the Chronicle more frequently and rarely as Senapati It appears from the Chronicle that the Kampanesa or the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces was also chosen from amongst the ministers? Sometimes one and the same person held charge of both the offices of the commander-in-chief (Kampanapati) and that of the Lord 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, vii, 210. 2. Ibid., note. 3. Ibid., I, vii, 571. Naraka, the Chief Minister, was not given the padagra office by the king, which proves our contention. 4. Ibid., I, vi, 237%; vii, 579, 1366;II, viii, 647, 698, 1660. 5. Ibid., I, vii, 399, 923; II, viii, 627, 652, 655, 860, 1659, 2420, 2868. 6. Ibid., I, v, 447; vi, 230, 2333 vii, 154, 2190, 2205. 7. Ibid., II, viii, 177, 2758. 8. Ibid., I, vii, 1365. 9. Ibid., I, vii, 1362.

493 of the Gate (dvarapati)- The Head of the Armed Forces seems to have had an assistant under him known as Kamapanodgrahaka² whose duties and privileges are not clear. The Chronicle details the careers and conquets (made on behalf of their masters) of several commandersin-chief, but many of them were victims of courtintrigues and personal jealousies, Kamalavardhana, a noted warrior and Chief of the Armed Forces, had the throne within his reach but honesty and conscientiousness were his undoing 3 Yasodhara, after Yasodhara, after a brilliant victory over the Shahis during the reign of Queen Didda, was a victim of back-biting and replaced by Rakka Jinduraja had distinguished himself against the doughty Damaras and was consequently rewarded with the office of the Commander-in-Chief 5. But the Prime Minister, Haladhara, poisoned the ears of king Kalasa against him and that worthy person was put behind the bars. All these instances, separated from each 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, vii, 1319. 2. Ibid., II, viii, 1430. Pandit, however, takes him to have been a 'recruiting officer for the army' (ibid., p. 738). 3. Ibid., I, v, 447 ff. 4. Ibid., I, vi, 228-37, 259. 5. Ibid., I, vii, 266-67. 6. Ibid., I, vii, 271-72.

494 other by centuries, do not, however, belittle the importance of that office; on the other hand, they emphasize its importance. It is strange that, though the Chronicle is full of wars, combats and expeditions, there is hardly any notice of the traditional four wings of the army, viz., the infantry, cavalry, the chariots and the elephants, being imparted training in a systematic manner. surprising is the fact that no king or commander of Still the army seems to have exerted himself in this direction. Another office of no less importance in the scheme of administration in the Valley was that of the 1 Nagaradhikrita or City-Prefect, also styled as Nagaradhipa² and Nagaradhipati? It has been contended that "though the poet-historian mentions the name of the City-Prefect of Chandrapida's time, yet the functions of this office are not made out clearly 1/4" 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana I, iv, 81%3 B vi, 70. 2. 3. Ibid., I, vi, 296. 4. Ibid., I, vii, 580. Ray, S.C., E.H.C.K., p. 126. .. Ray, however, takes the office of Nagaradhipa as a creation of Chandrapida (Early Hist. & Cult. of Kashmir, p. 125). 'He probably lost sight of the fact that the office of the Nagaradhyaksha figures in the list of 18 tirthas of the Mahabharata as noted by him also (Ibid.). The traditional usage' (Stein, I, 1, 120) and the Simile of Yudhishthira (Contd.)

- 495 We, however, beg to differ from this suggestion, as several passages in the Chronicle, when pieced together, enable us to form an idea of the nature of work, duties and responsibilities of a Nagaradhikrita. Jalauka, as noted, established eighteen Karmasthanas in the 'traditional usage' and the office of the Nagaradhyaksha, which is included in the list of the eighteen tirthas of the Mahabharata corresponds with that of the Nagaradhikrita in the administrative scheme of the Valley, as suggested by us earlier. Chhalitaka, the City-Prefect of Chandrapida, is said to have "removed the permanency of all offices!³ Apparently, the hereditary basis of appointments had brought about certain defects in the administrative machinery and the remedial action or steps taken by Chhalitaka made the posts either for life or temporary and/or transferable. Such a drastic step could not have been taken by Chhalitaka unless he was a person used by the poet in the same context is not without import, and the 18 Karmasthanas, if not identical with the 18 tirthas of the Mahabharata, must have been modelled on the same lines and we believe that Nagaradhipa was the same as Nagaradhyaksha of the Epic. 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, 1, 120. 2. Mahabharata, Sabha Parva, II, 5-38. It should be noted here that both Ramayana and Mahabharata take notice of this official. Cf. also Tripathi, R.S., History of Ancient India, p. 56. 3. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, iv, 81.

496 enjoying ministerial rank as well as the confidence That the advice of a city-prefect of the king. carried considerable weight is proved by the fact In that even the powerful Queen, Didda, had to acquiesce to the words of advice tendered by her City-Prefect, Bhuyya, in order to regain her lost popularity! the same context, Kalhana, it should be noted, refers to Bhuyya as a minister? Further, Janakasimha served first as a minister of Uchchala³ and, afterwards, as the Chief Justice; 4 subsequently, he was raised to the post of the City Prefect The two instances cited above amply prove our suggestion that the office of a Nagaradhikrita was no less important than that of a high-ranking minister and given to such eminent persons who were in the best confidence of the king. The Nagaradhikrita seems to have been connected with the revenue department as well. We are told that King Yasaskara appointed four city-prefects and amassed considerable wealth through them? 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, vi, 296-98. 2. 3. 4. 6. 6. Ibid Ibid II, viii, 184. Ibid., II, viii, 573. Ibid Ibid., II, viii, 632, 813-14, 932. Ibid., I, vi, 70.

- 497 Generally, persons noted for their integrity, loyalty to the king and with a past record of meritorious services were appointed to this office! Besides maintaining law and order in the city and ridding it of thieves and robbers the city-prefects were expected to accompany the kings to the battlefield with regiments under them 3 In his last desperate effort to save his life by flight, Sussala made over the entire responsibility of the city's defences and local administration to his City-Prefect, Janakasimha Some idea of the importance of this office can also be had from the fact that the city-prefects, at times, tried to play the role of king-makers as well. Kalasa appointed Vijayasimha, a man of proven ability, his City-Prefect; but the latter was removed from that important office. Vijayasimha, thereupon, retaliated by helping Harsha in gaining the Crown and was rewarded by the latter with the offer of his former post Janakasimha, however, was less fortunate in his efforts to play the same role? King 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, vii, 580. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., I, vii, 1542-43. 4. Ibid., I, viii, 813-14. 5. Ibid., I, vii, 580, 887 ff. 6. Ibid., II, viii, 931-1006.

- 498 The duties and responsibilities of the Nagaradhikrita seem to have increased with the passage of time. During the reign of Jayasimha, Kularaja was appointed to that office as he was 'famed for his skill in military exercises')) and he lived up to his reputation by killing and defeating many of the king's adversaries in several engagements? We have already referred to the city-prefects as having authority in revenuecollections; that worthy officer soon rid the administrative machinery of many of its ills and was responsible for restoring the gold-balance of the dinnara, and the standard in monetary transactions? Besides looking after the defences and social security. from thieves and robbers in the city, the city-prefects were also custodians of morals. We have already taken notice of the numerous reforms introduced by Kularaja during the reign of Jayasimha in order to raise the standards of morality in the Valley* We have shown above that former ministers were later elevated to the rank of city-prefects 5 and that Ibid., II, viii, 2115, 2190, 2321 ff, 3334-3341. 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, II, viii, 2115-16. 2. 3. 4. Ibid. 5. R.T Ibid ., II, viii, 3334-41, cf. also Chapter XIII. II, viii, 183, 256; Ibid., 184, 632.

- 499 they were responsible for the defences and internal peace of the city and had financial responsibilities as well. It is, therefore, reasonable to submit that the office of the Nagaradhikrita was one of the most important ones in the administrative set-up of the Valley.