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The death of Avantivarman, like that of many a ruler of the Valley, was followed by a war of succession in which two rivals aspired for the throne. Sankaravarman, son of Avantivarman, ascended the throne and his cause was espoused by the Royal Chamberlain, Ratnavardhana, and many others. The other claimant to the throne was 1. It should, however, be noted here that the designation pratihara applied (in the Rajatarangini by Kalhana) to Ratnavardhana does not denote his Pratihara or Gurjara-Pratihara lineage but his office or post. We are unable to accept the suggestion of Munshi (The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, Paperback ed., p. 112) who relates Ratnavardhana with the Imperial Pratiharas on the following grounds: Firstly, Kashmir did not have any relations with the Imperial Gurjara-Pratiharas nor is it known from any source that a member of this clan migrated to Kashmir. Secondly, Kashmir, during the reign of Avantivarman, was a no mean power and could not countenance any interference from the Gurjara-Pratiharas. Thirdly, had Ratnavardhana belonged to that family, he would certainly have dissuaded Sankaravarman from attacking his blood-relations in the Punjab, as we shall presently see. Fourthly, Kalhana speaks of Ratnavardhana as Pratihara (Rajatarangini by Kalhana, V, 128) and immediately (Contd.)

198 Sukhavarman, son of suravarman, the latter having been raised to the status of a Yuvaraja by Avantivarman during his life-time. We may safely assume here that suravarman was dead by this time as his son, and not he himself, was a claimant to the 1 royal throne. The cause of Sukhavarman was championed by Karnapa, a councillor-associate of Vinnapa, the former having proclaimed Sukhavarman 2 as Yuvaraja. It is easy to comprehend that the a officers of the state played major role in this war the of succession by aligning themselves with two rivals. ren Sankaravarman had further strengthened his position by contracting matrimony with Sugandha, daughter of in the following verse (V. 129) mentions the designation of Karnapa who wasan amatya of Vinnappa. All translators have, accordingly, interpreted the appellation Pratihara as referring to the office of the Royal Chamberlain and we see no reason to differ from them 1. The alternative suggestion of Wilson (Hindu History of Kashmir, p. 61) that that office of Yuvaraja conferred no title to the succession, and was held at pleasure does not hold good in view of the fact that Suravarman was not a claimant for the throne and that the office of Yuvaraja had also fallen vacant, to which his son, Sukhavarman was raised by his supporters. Both these facts were only possible when he was dead. We, therefore, feel fully justified in assuming that Suravarman was dead by that time and had, very possibly, predeceased Avantivarman. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 129.

199 the Darad ruler Simharaja. The trial of strength was not between Sankaravarman and Sukhvarman but in reality between Ratnavardhana and Karnapa, respectively. It appears that the followers of Sankaravarman were offered many temptations, but their devotion was steadfast and he was able to overcome all opposition by inflicting a crushing defeat upon Sukhavarman and his supporters after 2 several engagements. Conquests Having stabilised his position on the throne, Sankaravarman sought to emulate the exploits of 3 Pravarasena, Lalitaditya and Jayapida. It appears from the Chronicle that, earlier in his life, his father Avantivarman had trained him to bear all 4 hardships and physical discomforts. Soon he was at the head of a large army (the number -nine lakhs seems exaggerated) and marched out on a conquering 5 expedition. Gradually, however, the numerical strength of his forces swelled up as the feudatories aligned themselves with him together with 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 157. 2. Ibid., I, V, 132, 134. 3. Ibid., I, V, 136. 4. Ibid., I, V, 193-202. 5. Ibid., I, V, 137.

200 2 their forces. Kalhana furnishes an account of the numerous petty states subdued by him and Vaidya is of the opinion that the names of the kings and the countries conquered or subjugated during this expedition are of great importance to history. Also, since some of these are, as we shall notice, supported by epigraphic evidence of the times, these augment the value of the Chronicle as an historical work. War Against Darvabhisara Sankaravarman proceeded first against the country of Darvabhisara which lay below Pir Panjal and stretched towards the upper plains of the Punjab. The ruler of these regions first sought refuge into the mountains but ultimately surrendered without any resistance. Another petty ruler, Harigana, 4 was overwhelmed and made prisoner. 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 140. 2. Vaidya, C.V., History of Medieval Hindu India, I, p. 222. 3. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 141. Geographically, the term comprises the whole tract of the lower and middle hills lying between the Vitasta and the Chandrabhaga, Ibid., I, 1, 180 (Stein's note). 4. Ibid., I, V, 142. It is not clear from the narrative of Kalhana (V. 141-42) whether the ruler of Darvabhisara and Harigana were one and the same person. If the verses are taken together, it may be inferred that Harigana was the ruler of Darvabhisara and was taken prisoner while trying to escape from some hilly fort. Since the moutain setting serves as a breakground in both the verses, the suggestion cannot be resisted.

201 Victory Over the Ruler of Trigarta Sankaravarman next marched his formidable forces against Prithvichandra, ruler of Trigarta. The latter had, earlier, offered his son as a hostage for reasons undisclosed in the Chronicle, and we may safely presume that he was a vassal chief. It is 2 quite possible that Prithvichandra had formerly sympathised with the cause of Suphavarman, an adversary of Sankaravarman and pretender to the throne of Kashmir. Naturally, therefore, Sankaravarman had made demands on Prithvichandra, who had offered as a 3 his son hostage for good conduct. However, he had run away before Sankaravarman could actually measure swords with him and the Kangra regions were conquered. Victory Over the Gurjara Chief in the Punjab While Sankaravarman was marching down towards the plains of the Punjab, the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty had been firmly established at Kanauj. Mihira Bhoja, the most distinguished ruler of that dynasty, was a contemporary of Sankaravarman. It appears from the Pehoa Inscription that Mihira Ehoja had extended his suzerainty towards the Punjab as well and placed a feudatory, Alakhana by name, to 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 143. 2. Ibid., I, V, 145. 3. Ibid., I, V, 146-47.

202 2 rule over those regions. From the narrative of Kalhana, it appears that Bhoja had conquered these regions (the Takkaland) from some Thakkiya chieftain. The discomfited chief had sought refuge and service 3 at the court of Sankaravarman. It is clear from the narrative that Alakhana ruled or governed quite a large tract of land in the Punjab, and, after his defeat, had to cede only the Takka land, which the Gurjaras had seized from the Thakkiya chief 4 We need not go into the details of the relations between Alakhana and Bhoja. According to Puri, Alakhana "had nothing to do with the Imperial line 5 at Kanauj" and was a feudatory of Bhoja. Ray, however, interpreted the verses to show that there was an alliance between Bhoja and Alakhana and Munshi took the latter to have been Bhoja's feudatory. We might add here that the use of the connotation "adhiraja' for Bhoja is significant and, in a way, supports the subordinate status of Alakhana. This conquest of Sankaravarman must have taken place 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 149; Epigraphia Indica, I, pp. 170, 186-88. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 151. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid., I, V, 150. 5. Puri, B.N., The Gurjara-Pratiharas, pp 12, 57. 6. Munshi, K.M., The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, p. 119

203 after 882-83 A.D. (i.e., the date of the Pehoa record in which Bhoja is extolled as a master of those regions) when Mihira Bhoja was too old to retaliate, or was dead and had been succeeded by Mahendrapala. 1 2 According to Kalhana, Alakhana expected support from the Shahi ruler Lalliya. Earlier, Lalliya had sought to win favour from Sankaravarman and it is possible that, still hoping to gain favour from the Kashmir king, he did not come to the rescue of Another possibility is that he might Alakhana. have been too busy in his own affairs as his territories lay between those of the Darads and the Turushkas. Sankaravarman had married Sugandha, daughter of the Darad chief, Svamisena, and this matrimonial alliance must have deterred Lalliya from coming to the rescue of Alakhana. Munshi, on the other hand, thinks that Sankaravarman's success against Alakhana took place in the reign of Mahendrapala, successor of Mihira Bhoja, and that the former (Mahendrapala) was, at that time, busy in Bengal. 1. Puri, B.N., The Gurjara-Pratiharas, p. 57; 鈥� Munshi, K.M., The Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, p. 112. 2. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 152-55. 3. Munshi, K.M., Ibid., I, pp. 112, 119.

- 204 These conquests of Sankaravarman cannot by any means be compared with those of Lalitaditya or Jayapida, and can be termed military adventures. Though, according to the Chronicle, he started with quite a sizable army, his successes were confined to the borderlands only. At the same time, the enormous cost at which these expeditions were led did not bring any monetary gains and depleted the treasury which subsequently turned him to a tyrant. Atrocities of Sankaravarman It is easy to understand that Sankaravarman was an ambitious monarch and more of a dreamer and wished to emulate the exploits of the illustrious Karkotas. Avantivarman had restored economic stability in the Valley to a great measure, but Sankaravarman exhausted the royal coffers on military preparations as well as in extravagance. Unable to edify his newly founded city, he had to rob Parihasapura of its embellishments, as we have seen. He, therefore, levied new taxes and did not spare even temples whose main sources of income were charities and public benefactions. These fresh taxes were realised with severe strictness and he also created 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, IV, 620-21; V, 165.

205 two new offices - those of attapatibhaga and Grihakritya for controlling domestic affairs. Even articles like incense, sandal-wood and others used in worship were not exempted. Certain extraordinary steps like reduction in weights and measures were introduced and the masses had to undergo severe hardships. Even the remonstrations of the Crownprince, Gopalavarman, were of no avail and the officials - Kayasthas misappropriated much of the royal income 3 End of Sankaravarman Such a state of affairs was not conducive of any literary activity and there was marked cultural decline during the reign of Sankaravarman. The people groaned under the weight of heavy taxations and illegal extortions by Kayastha officials. The king would not associate himself with men of learning and eminence for fear of handing them out rewards and was always surrounded by a band of flatterers. The affairs were so bad that the eminent Sanskrit scholar, Bhallata, had to accept a job much below his dignity for his livelihood. While men of culture, 4 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 167. 2. Ibid., I, V, 169. 3. Ibid., I, V, 193-203. 4. Ibid., I, V, 204. Bhallata is known as the author of Bhallata Sataka and the dictionary Padmanjari. (See Pandit's note).

- 206 breeding and learning went without adequate remunerations and jobs, ordinary officials, even loadcarriers, were getting astounding salaries. Sanskrit gave way to apabhramsa and cultivation of literature was neglected. 4 west. 2 Towards the closing years of his reign, Sankaraof varman treacherously murdered the ruler Darvabhisara, Naravahana by name. There was general discontent among the people and one of his officers, a relative of his favourite minister Sukharaja, was killed at Viranaka, the modern village of Viran, on the northAngered, the king himself proceeded towards the northern regions (Uttarapatha) and vented his wrath upon its inhabitants. After gaining some victories against petty chiefs on the banks of the he Indus, he proceeded towards Urasa, where was stuck h by an arrow in the neck and died shortly after, though for reasons of safety, his death was announced later after the forces accompanying him had returned from those regions. He was soon forgotten and even the name of the city founded by him was changed to. a 5 6 Pattan, shortly afterwards. 1. Rajatarangini by Kalhana, I, V, 205. 2. Ibid., I, V, 206 (See Pandit's note). 3. Ibid., I, V, 209. Probably this Naravahana belonged to the Lohara family (Stein's note). 4. Here 'dvara signifies 'dranga', a watch-station on the frontiers mentioned in the Chronicle very often (Ibid., I, V, 214, Stein's note). 5. Ibid., I, V, 215-16, 222. 6. Ibid., I, V, 213.