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Br膩hma峁噄sm systematically upholds the elements in purity, morality and masculinity as contradictory to the current practices and beliefs in Tantrism. Tantra usually goes with the consumption of meat and alcohol as the major ingredients of its ritualistic deeds, which in Br膩hma峁噄sm are treated as extreme impure substances. Tantra, being originated in the subaltern stratum of the Indic society, made use of easily available materials. At the same time, Br膩hma峁噄sm was interested mainly in the establishment domination over the common society.

The feminine centeredness, ritual tendencies and obscurantist characters gradually led Tantra to a subordinate status. Romila Thapar views it as the religion of the untouchables, tribes and other lower groups. The notable characteristics of such beliefs are the worship of symbolically represented goddesses and spirits.^[1]

The pre-puberty marriages in the Br膩hma峁噄c community are the results of considering puberty as a dangerous situation to be obliterated through certain major rituals and they indicate the relationship between female purity and the purity of caste. Purity of cast is the key requirement of patriarchal society and it is depended upon the purity of women.²⁶

叠丑补驳补惫补诲驳墨迟腻 outlines the collapse of the social and moral order when there are leakages in the closed structure of marriages, families are broken, rites are forgotten, and women are defiled and from this corruption comes the mixing of castes;

啶曕�佮げ啶曕�嵿し啶�啷� 啶�啷嵿ぐ啶｀ざ啷嵿く啶ㄠ�嵿い啶� 啶曕�佮げ啶оぐ啷嵿ぎ啶距�� 啶膏え啶距い啶ㄠぞ啶� 啷�
啶оぐ啷嵿ぎ啷� 啶ㄠし啷嵿�熰�� 啶曕�佮げ啶� 啶曕�冟い啷嵿じ啷嵿え啶�啶оぐ啷嵿ぎ啷屶そ啶�啶苦き啶掂い啷嵿く啷佮�� 啷�
啶呧ぇ啶班�嵿ぎ啶距き啶苦き啶掂ぞ啶む�� 啶曕�冟し啷嵿��! 啶�啷嵿ぐ啶︵�佮し啷嵿く啶ㄠ�嵿い啶� 啶曕�佮げ啶膏�嵿い啷嵿ぐ啶苦く啶� 啷�
啶膏�嵿い啷嵿ぐ啷�啶粪�� 啶︵�佮し啷嵿�熰ぞ啶膏�� 啶掂ぞ啶班�嵿し啷嵿ぃ啷囙�� 啶溹ぞ啶�啶む�� 啶掂ぐ啷嵿ぃ啶膏�權�嵿�曕ぐ啶� 啷�

kulak峁�aye pra峁嘺艣yanti kuladharm膩岣� san膩tan膩岣� |
dharme na峁ａ弓e 办耻濒补峁� 办峁泃蝉苍补尘补诲丑补谤尘补耻'产丑颈产丑补惫补迟测耻迟补 ||
补诲丑补谤尘腻产丑颈产丑补惫腻迟 办峁涐梗峁嘺! pradu峁�yanti kulastriya岣� |
str墨峁�u du峁ａ弓膩su 惫腻谤峁ａ箛别测补 箩腻测补迟别 惫补谤峁嘺蝉补峁卥补谤补岣� ||^[2]

The distinguishing characters of Tantrism, i.e, the positive attitudes towards the things and ideas that are forbidden by the orthodox system are the main reason behind its subordination. Internalization, aesthetization and semantizaiton were the paths through which Br膩hma峁噄sm tried to transform the folk based Tantric tradition, which places feminine power in the central position and uses the forbidden substances like bodily fluids etc. 

During the discussion about the methods of approach towards the meaning of ritual in Tantra, Judit Torzsok also refers to the process as a whole by the term 鈥榠nternalization鈥� and comments, 

Nevertheless, I think many of the scriptural examples clearly show that there is an internal and theoretical development within the scriptural tradition of questioning the meaning of ritual action. And this self-questioning and search for meaning may be a more significant factor in the reduction of external ritual than usually assumed. Of course, there must have been other, most importantly social, factors behind; and it is generally true that the reduction of external ritual is always more convenient for a number of reasons. But it seems more likely that the questioning of the meaning of ritual contributed to the reduction of external rites rather than that it was the simple manifestation of an intention or tendency to reduce them. As mentioned above, a distant parallel of such developments might be the case of the Upanishads, which reinterpret, internalise, and, at the same time, undermine the Vedic ritual system.^[3]

Peter Bisschop with the help of supporting evidences from Gupta inscriptions tries to establish the growing influence of 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 as a Br膩hma峁噄cal religion in the Gupta period itself. Subsequently the royal kingship of 痴腻办腻峁璦办补蝉 also had acknowledged the role of the Tantric manipulator.^[4] Such attempts in order to create the completely Br膩hma峁噄cal social order, had started even centuries back. Katherine Ann Harper also proposes that the appropriation of Tantric elements became the religious political weapon against the foreign invaders during the Gupta Empire.^[5]

These also act as the cause of the flourishing Br膩hma峁噄c practices in Tantrism. The sculptural evidences from the early fifth or sixth century Kashmir are very much enough to estimate the status of 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫颈蝉尘 of that age.^[6]

Tantric stream (probably preserved by a group of Brahmins who were attracted to the cultic phases of philosophy)^[7] reacted to this type of pressures in many ways. Perhaps it silently allowed the processes like Ved膩ntization to be overpowered just for the sake of subsistence.

Sanderson refers to this Br膩hma峁噄c deed as the response to the dominance acquired by the 艢补颈惫补mantram膩rga in seventh century CE. It dominated the royal power as well as the other important religious systems such as 艢膩ktism, Saurism, 痴补颈峁ａ箛补惫颈蝉尘, Buddhism and Jainism. Responding to the success of 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘, Br膩hma峁噄sm also was deeply influenced by incorporating, and to some extent expurgating 艢aivite forms into its ever growing corpus of ritual texts.^[8]

艢aivites themselves accepted many orthodox elements into their tradition. Sanderson says, 

As 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘 advanced by developing these strategies, it achieved transregional organization or a consequent standardisationof its rituals and doctrines. This transregional uniformity, I propose, would have heightened its appeal to kings by enabling it more easily to be perceived as a transcendental means of legitimation, empowerment, and the integration of regional tradition, as an essential part of pan-Indian socio religious order that each kingdom sought to exemplify.^[9]

艢aivite monistic philosophy also adopted many elements from orthodox systems. Utpaladeva tactfully borrows from the Brahmanic thought systems like 惭墨尘腻峁僺腻 and refers to his system as central to the notion of self-recognition. 

Isabelle Ratie explains about this metamorphosis as:

According to 艢补产补谤补 and most of all 碍耻尘腻谤颈濒补, what proves the existence of the self is precisely the fact that we are able to recognise ourselves as the same person throughout time. On the other hand in the very title of his work Utpaladeva places the term 莫艣惫补谤补, lord, next to the word recognition: according to him recognising one-self means realising that we are in fact god himself and this is in glaring contradiction with 碍耻尘腻谤颈濒补鈥檚 fierce atheism.

The frequent quotations from the works like 叠丑补驳补惫补诲驳墨迟腻 and 鲍辫补苍颈峁�a诲蝉 in the treatises of Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta also are the examples of 艢aivite appropriation. The advanced structure of monistic 艢aivite philosophy is a product of strategies of both 艢aivites and Brahmins. As a result of the adoption and implementation of Br膩hma峁噄c elements, the diverse regional systems were started to integrate for the essential formation of a pan-Indian socio religious order, but resulted in the degeneration of the principle of 艢补办迟颈 within the system of Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

Romila Thapar, 鈥淪yndicated Hinduism鈥�, Gunther Dies Sontheimar and Herman Kulke (Eds.), Hinduism Reconsidered, Manohar, 2011, p.60.

[2]:

叠丑补驳补惫补诲驳墨迟腻, I. 40- 41; Here the fear appears as to whether the rituals pollute the social order or not.

[3]:

Judit Torzsok, 鈥淭he Search in 艢补颈惫补 Scriptures for Meaning in Tantric Rituals鈥�, pp.514-515.

[4]:

Peter Bisschop, 鈥溑毑咕北咕辈醭� in Gupta 痴腻办腻峁璦办补 Age鈥�, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Series.3, Vol. 20, No. 4, 2010, pp.477-488.

[5]:

Katherin Ann Harper, 鈥淲arring 艢补办迟颈s鈥�, Katherin Ann Harper and Robert L. Brown (Eds.), The Roots of Tantra, State University of New York Press, Albany, 2002, p.115.

[6]:

Peter Bischop observes that John Siudmak produced the evidences for the 痴颈峁ａ箛耻 sculptures with remarkable resemblance with Gandharan/Sassanian sculptures.

[7]:

Generation of Tantric texts in Sanskrit provides an idea about the stream of Brahmins who had comparatively subordinate position in the then society.

[8]:

This indirectly influences Kashmir 艢补颈惫颈蝉尘.

[9]:

Alexis Sanderson, 鈥淩itual for Oneself and Ritual of Others鈥�, p.18.