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The role of Animals in Buddhism

With special reference to the Jatakas

by Nguyen Thi Kieu Diem | 2012 | 66,083 words

This study studies the role of animals in Indian Buddhism with special reference to the Jatakas—ancient Pali texts narrating the previous births of the Buddha dating back 2500 years....

Go directly to: Footnotes.

3.2. Historical background of the Jataka

According to E.B. Cowell, since the later Vedic period, the doctrine of Metempsychosis has played an important part in the history of the national character and religious ideas that we need not be surprised to find that Buddhist literature from the earliest times has always included the ages of the past as an authentic background to founder’s historical life as Gautama. ٲ첹 legends occur even in Canonical ʾṭa첹; thus the Sukhavihāri ٲ첹 and the Tittira ٲ첹, which are found in the Culla Vagga (volume 6); and there are several other examples.[1]

1. The author of ٲ첹

The Buddhists believe that the ٲ첹 verses were uttered by the Buddha himself and hence these were placed in historical context. Originally, the ٲ첹s represent a popular collection of tales and fables, by adopting these legends and giving them Buddhist guise Early Buddhism acquired a simple and effective means of popularizing the faith.[2]

There is no reason to doubt that the Buddha himself made use of popular tales in preaching to the people. We found it in the Mahāsudassana Sutta of the ī-[3] and later on in the book of T.W. Rhys Davids. They mentioned about dialogues of the Lord Buddha preaching the Mahāsudassana ٲ첹. Sutta no. 95 is one of many such instances to be recorded in the Canon. It is certain that monks and preachers also did so. This was, indeed, a widespread practice throughout the length and breadth of India. The preachers of all religious sects there always took advantage of the native passion for storytelling and story-hearing, and made extensive use of stories to preach. They ventured frequently to take fables, fairy tales and amusing anecdotes from the rich store house of popular tales or from secular literature, altering and adapting them wherever and whenever necessary to suit their aims.

The Buddha teaches both by ūٰ and stanzas and by legends and ٲ첹s. Again it is mentioned in the same work that the ղٳ岵ٲ, knowing the differences in faculties of his numerous hearers, preaches in many different ways, ‘tells many tales, amusing, agreeable, both instructive and pleasant, tales by means of which all beings not only become pleased with the law in this present life, but also after death reach happy states�.[4]

According to T.W. Rhys David, the edition of the ٲ첹 by Fausböll is an edition of the commentary written probably in the fifth century CE by and an unknown author, who, as Childers thinks, was Buddhaghosa. Whether this commentary was actually written by Buddhaghosa or not, the numerous ٲ첹 quoted or narrated by Buddhaghosa in his commentaries show a close agreement with the commentary edited by Fausböll.[5]

It has been shown that the word commentary, the prose of the framework, and the prose of the stories are all the work of the same author.[6] E.B. Cowell confessed that he has no confidence in their historical credibility.

However, Burlingame finds, as also does Winternitz, the arguments of Rhys Davids and Fausböll convincing lie adds that the strongest argument of all is, however, that the ٲ첹 commentary and the Dhammapada commentary, differ so widely in language and style from the genuine works of Buddhaghosa as to make it in the highest degree improbable that he is the author of either of them. “Buddhaghosa is not the author of the ٲ첹 Commentary or of the Dhammapada commentary� he emphatically states. “Their authors are unknown.�[7]

Some scholars are of the opinion that these ٲ첹 ٳ are of pre-Buddhist origin and were the work of many authors, chiefly non-Buddhist, though a compiler may have altered and even added new verse here and there, while recasting the whole text.[8]

Another text in Buddhist literature that derives heavily from the ٲ첹s is the Sanskrit work ٲ첹mālā (meaning garland of birth stories) by Āryasūra. A famous Sanskrit collection from approximately the fourth century CE, arranges the bulk of its thirty four ٲ첹s,[9] it is a work of high literary standards. Stories similar to ٲ첹s occur in the Vedas. Some of the 󳾲ṇa and ʳܰṇa are simply narrative stories. In many cases, the context, the style or the core theme of the story is altered. In some cases the same story is told in different forms by different authors.

It is unlikely Aesop and other early storytellers had copies of the ٲ첹s handy. And it’s unlikely that the monks and scholars who compiled the Canon more than 2,000 years ago ever heard of Aesop. Perhaps the stories were spread by ancient travelers. Perhaps they were built from fragments of the first human stories, told by our paleolithic ancestors.[10] ٲ첹 and similar other stories travelled far and wide by word of mouth along caravan routes. Many ٲ첹 stories have appeared in many other languages and media. Retellings of the stories may contain significant amendments to suit different host cultures.

India has always had a rich tradition of oral storytelling and preachers from various religious sects have made extensive use of stories in their sermons. Buddha was no exception. According to folklore, the Lord Buddha often cited examples from his past lives in order to explain the right conduct. Since he told the stories according to the demand of a give situation, he never gave a sequence to these stories. It is quite uncertain when they were put together in a systematic form.

The oral storytelling which technique is made use of by various religious preachers to spread their beliefs. According to folklore, Buddha often recited stories from his past lives to teach his disciples the right conduct of life which came to be compiled as the ٲ첹s. Therefore, the ٲ첹s are Buddhist parables and tales of Buddha in his previous lives which included incarnations in the form of a snake, a rabbit, a swan, a fish, a quail, an ape, a woodpecker, a deer and an elephant.[11] The extensive narrative work known as the ٲ첹ṭṭhavaṇṇanā from Fausböll’s edition of the work and more often as ٲ첹ṭṭhakathā in other editions is the work of an unknown Sinhalese monk.[12] It is a commentary or compilation of the fifth century CE.

E.J. Thomas thought that the Sinhalese text itself, upon which it was based, “was probably a translation of an older work, and as several of the tales have been preserved in other parts of the Canon in a more ancient style.�[13] ٲ첹 tales are not considered Buddhavacana, i.e., generally, ճ岹 Buddhists do not accord them the authority of being the actual word of the Buddha, and Sri Lanka orthodoxy maintains that they are not canonical writings. However, in Burma and elsewhere they are included as part of the canon, and these tales have been among the more popular and influential segments of Buddhist literature, irrespective of their heterodoxy.

2. The Existence of ٲ첹 Tales

In any case it is conclusive as to the existence of a collection of ٲ첹 at a very early date. The text of the ٲ첹 book, as now received among the Southern Buddhists, consists, as will be seen from the translation, not only of the stories, but of an elaborate commentary, containing a detailed explanation of the verse or verses which occur in each of the stories. According to one tradition, the ٲ첹 stories composed in in India were taken to Ceylon by Mahindra about 250 BCE and the commentary translated there into Sinhalese and again translated into in fifth century CE by Buddhaghosa.[14] The accuracy of this tradition has been discussed by T.W. Rhys Davids in the introduction to the first volume of his Buddhist Birth Stories.

But, A.K. Warder said that the ٲ첹s are the precursors to the various legendary biographies of the Buddha, which were composed at later dates.[15] Although many ٲ첹s were written from an early period, which describe previous lives of the Buddha, very little biographical material about Gautama’s own life has been recorded.

Whatever else this may prove with regard to the way in which the ancient Canon was preserved, it shows at all events that ٲ첹s existed before the ձ Council as an integral portion of the sacred Canon, and we learn at the same time that it was possible even then to compose new chapters of that canon, and probably also to add new ٲ첹 stories.[16]

Another tradition holds that in Ceylon the original ٲ첹 book comprised of the ٳ and a commentary that contained the stories written in early Sinhalese was found. This was later translated into about 430 CE by Buddhaghosa and after that the Sinhalese original book was lost. But there might have existed as a book containing ٲ첹 tales in India too at least by the third and second centuries BCE. Some of the stories are of pre-Buddhist origin ranging down to the fifth Century CE.[17] The ٳ are undoubtedly old, and they necessarily imply the previous existence of the stories, though not perhaps in the exact words in which we now possess them.[18]

Several scholars found the ٲ첹 panels in sculpture in many places such as Bharhut and Sanchi. At Bharhut has opened a line of inquiry and continued by Foucher and Barua. Foucher described the ٲ첹 stories depicted in մǰṇa (4 gates) reliefs at Sanchi. Barua gave an accurate identification of the ٲ첹 at Bharhut with the ٲ첹 text. Winternitz, who observed the depiction of ٲ첹s on the stupas at Bharhut and Sanchi, commented that the sculptors have followed the prose version and so they are of pre-Buddhist origin.[19] The ٲ첹Tales form part of the Sutta ʾṭa첹 of the canon, whereas the Vinaya ʾṭa첹 was particularly concerned with monastic discipline. The Sutta ʾṭa첹 focuses not only on the teachings of the Buddha but also on the lives of the Buddha and his disciples. There is also a long introduction to the ٲ첹 commentaries known as the Բ첹ٳ that is primarily a biography of the Buddha. The ٲ첹 tradition appears to take on something like its present form in Sri Lanka sometime between the beginning of the Common Era and the fifth century CE.[20]

What we possess is the text of the ٲ첹 as it has been preserved in Ceylon. It is in this commentary alone that the text of the ٲ첹s has come down to us. This text has been edited by Fausböll. He has distinguished in his edition between three component elements, the tale, the frame, and the verbal interpretation. This text, of which the beginning was translated in 1880 by T.W Rhys Davids, is now being translated by R. Chalmers, W.R.D. Rouse et al, and the first volume of their translation has appeared in 1895 under the able editorship of E.B. Cowell.[21]

In the same century, Kern published ٲ첹mālā in the year 1891. Later J.S. Speryer in the year 1895 translated Āryasūra’s ٲ첹mālā (garland of birth stories) into English. He says that the Āryasūra’s ٲ첹mālā has higher pretension and is in fact a kind of 屹ⲹ style, a work of art and it was used by the Northern Buddhists, whereas the ٲ첹 is in simple prose style, followed by the Buddhists of south India. Similarly, three decades later, the Royal Asiatic Society published the translation of another great work namely Բ첹貹 in the year 1920.[22]

The Western scholars began to draw the attention to the form of ٲ첹s that was raised quite early in the last decades of the nineteen century. They first came into existence.[23] However, the ٲ첹 which belong to different periods ranging in date from the early sixth century BCE (pre-Buddhist period) down to the fifth century CE give a comprehensive picture of the contemporary Indian society besides providing us a harmonious and a homogeneous profile of the pre-Buddhist India.[24] The Sutta and Vinaya ʾṭa첹 are generally accepted as at least older than the Council of ձ and thus ٲ첹 legends must have been always recognised in Buddhist literature.[25]

3. The origin of ٲ첹

The ٲ첹 book was originally in verse alone, to which the recite, in the oral tradition of the time, added explanation. It is thought by Buddhist to be a compilation of the highest significance for social and literary history.[26] Although many ٲ첹s can be regarded as being non-Buddhist, or even pre-Buddhist, there are some which are certainly Buddhist. These show clearly that the Buddhists added material of their own to the ٲ첹 collection.[27]

On the whole, the best description of the ٲ첹s is found in Funk and Wagnalls Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend,[28] which defines them as:

“a collection of ٳ arranged in 22 sections, according to the number of stanzas forming a ٲ첹, the ٲ첹s of each section progressively containing an additional ٳ. Thus, those in the first section contain one stanza, those in the fifth, five, etc. These ٳ are embedded in a prose commentary, which consists of a story of the present explaining why Buddha is telling the tale of the past, followed by the ٲ첹 (the ٳ) or story of the past, a commentary of the ٳ, and an integration of the two parts. They include fables, Marchen, moral tales, maxims and legends. More than a half of the ٲ첹 stories are not of Buddhist origin.�

Therefore such stories are not only pre-Buddhist in origin but are very old. Thus the ٲ첹 system is based on handing down tales or some legends in prose, with the conversation only being in verse, which itself are pre-Buddhist. Such tales preserve the original form of the Indian folklore.�[29]

The commentary to these gives for each ٲ첹, or birth stories, an account of the event in Gotama’s life which led to his first telling that particular story. Both text and commentary were then handed down, in the language in which they were composed, to the time of the Council of Patna (held in or about the year 250 BCE); and they were carried in following year to Ceylon by the great missionary Mahinda, the son of Asoka.[30] The commentary was written down in Singhalese, the Āryan dialect spoken in Ceylon, and was retranslated into its present from in the language in the fifth century of our era. But the text of the ٲ첹 stories themselves has been throughout preserved in its original form.[31]

It is a classification according to their form and contents. It seems that all these diverse types of Buddhist literature were already in existence when the canon was compiled in its present form. The seventh ṅg is the ٲ첹 (stories of the Former Births of Buddha).[32]

The stories found in the ٲ첹 have been found in numerous other languages and media many of them being translations from the versions, but others are instead derived from vernacular traditions prior to the compositions. Sanskrit and Tibetan ٲ첹 stories tend to maintain the Buddhist morality of their equivalents, but re-tellings of the stories in Persian and other languages sometimes contain significant amendments to suit their respective cultures.[33]

In the sixth century, some of the stories were translated to Persian and this translation was later retranslated to Greek, Latin and Hebrew.[34]

According to an Italian scholar, the origin of several of stories of al-Sindbad and Arabian Nights could be traced from the ٲ첹 tales.[35] Although in many instances it is possible that these stories migrated from India to the West, it is not impossible that in others Western movies were brought to India.[36] Generally, the ٲ첹 stories have disseminated from India to become part of the world’s folk-literature, in numerous variations, with the recensions representing one cultural and religious notion of what the stories “ought� to be.

Several ٲ첹 stories can be shown to be old because they have counter-parts in Jain canonical texts, and sometimes the similarity between them is so close that one version can be used to restore the text of the other.[37] The Buddhist or Jain orientation is very clearly marked in these stories. As the term ٲ첹 implies, these tales cut across generations in their continuity of themes and even characters. The rebirth motif is also dominant in the ٲ첹 tales and the moral tone is never left obscure.[38] They read like parables to teach certain truths, and are never meant for leisurely entertainment.

There are also several ٲ첹 stories in the Ѳ屹ٳ which do not have a parallel in the collection. The ī貹ṃs tells of the Ѳṃg󾱰첹 making changes in the canon after their separation from the Theravādins and states that they rejected a portion of the ٲ첹. This presumably means that the contents of the ٲ첹 collections of the two sects differed, doubtless because they both added to their collections after the schism.[39]

In the seventeenth century, there are notable examples mentioned historical records and other sources of eminent exponents of the ٲ첹s, great teachers and renowned preachers. La Fontaine the great exponent of

The fable literature created his own land mark. It was the fashion in those days that generally literary men and women used to meet in their salons and its origin to the various ٲ첹s and their transformations, imitations, adaptations and other various literary.[40] This tradition has come down to the present day. Thus it is that the temple and monastery have continued to be a powerful base of support for the propagation and popularization of the ٲ첹s.

There are several ٲ첹s scattered throughout the canonical literature as well as the Sanskrit Buddhist literature and even outside the literature of Buddhism, many of the stories of the ٲ첹 Book occur in the ʲñٲԳٰ, ٳٲ岵 and other Indian story books. Some stories have parallels in the Ѳٲand in the 峾ⲹṇa, the ʳܰṇa,[41] and still others in Jaina literature. There are also a large number of ٲ첹 tales in the non-canonical literature, notably in the ѾԻ岹貹ñ.[42] Many ٲ첹s occur in the Ѳ屹ٳ in prose as well as in verse in mixed Sanskrit. Some of them are variants of ٲ첹s while others are not found in the collection.

Some ٲ첹 stories can be found in Jain literature, such as the story of Isisinga in Suyakadanga, which is the Nalini ٲ첹. They are found in even the Ѳٲ, for example ṚsԲܱ貹Բ. The literature of countries such as Persia, China, Arabia, Italy, Greece, Britain and Japan have borrowed ideas and themes from the ٲ첹 and similar other stories.

There is a well-known reference to the ٲ첹s asa book of the Khuddaka ⲹ in the Cullaniddesawhere a collection of 500 ٲ첹sis mentioned. This collection, in the opinion of a reputed scholar, appears to be earlier than the scriptural basis of the Buddhist sculptures at Bharhut and Sanchi and hence earlier than the sculptures themselves. It was certainly later than that of the suttanta ٲ첹s scattered throughout the first four ⲹs.[43]

Despite the large number of stories found in the ٲ첹 collection, it is clear that it by no means includes all the ٲ첹 stories which existed in North India in the early days of Buddhism. There are stories found elsewhere in the canon. Asvaghosa in this work draws upon the ٲ첹 called the Samgamavacara which tells the identical story though in a shorter form. The existence of this technique for overcoming desire, the instruction to �fight passion with passion�, in such an early ٲ첹 tale, suggests that it was certainly understood by, and perhaps practiced by some of the earliest followers of the tradition.[44] Which are technically ٲ첹 stories because they purport to tell of the Buddha in an earlier birth, and conclude with an identification of the characters, and are nevertheless not found in the collection.

The ٲ첹 legends occur in the Vinaya ʾṭa첹, too. For example, the ٲ첹 (No.10); Tittira ٲ첹 (No.37) are to be found in the Chulla-Vagga

(vii.1; and vi.6, respectively). Further, the 䲹ⲹ辱ṭa첹, a book of the Sutta-ʾṭa첹, contains thirty-five ٲ첹s in verse-form. Besides, several ٲ첹s

exist in the canonical texts but not included in the ٲ첹 collection. Further, the Գٲ貹徱 makes a reference to the ٲ첹 ⲹ; and the ībhāṇakas, i.e., those who recited the suttas or discourses of the ī ⲹ included the ٲ첹 in the Abhidhamma ʾṭa첹. There are also ѲԲ ٲ첹 stories such as ղ岵ī, Dhammasoṇḍaka and Seta Gandha Hasti which do not appear in at all.

An analysis of the more than 500 ٲ첹 stories of the collection as we have it shows that it contains a wide variety of different types of verse composition. Many of them seem to be un-Buddhist in origin. Some of these stories are also found in Aesop’s fables and other European literature and the problem of their inter-dependence has been much discussed. Representations of some of them are found in the reliefs on the Bharhut stupa, showing that they had already become popular by the second century B.C.

4. The ٲ첹 Commentary

In the post-canonical tradition of the Theravādins the ٲ첹 tradition culminated with the appearance of the ٲ첹 Commentary in Ceylon in the fifth century CE.[45] There is no doubt that a Sinhalese commentary in all likelihood, included verses in the original and was translated or rather recast and reworked into , formed the basis of the compilation.

The ٲ첹 Commentary itself is a collection of 547 stories, each containing an account of the life of Gotama the Buddha during some incarnation in one of his previous existences as a Bodhisattva, an animal hero, a being destined to Enlightenment. That is the role he played before he became Buddha, the Enlightened One, The number of such “births� does not correspond to exactly 547 stories, since some of the tales occur more than once in a different setting, or in a variant version, and occasionally several stories are included in one birth.[46]

Much of the material, however, is demonstrably many centuries older. The ٲ첹 forms the tenth book of the Khuddaka of the Sutta ʾṭa첹. In the Canon it also forms one of the nine �ṅgs� or divisions of the Buddha’s teachings, grouped according to the subject matter Like the Բ (“verses of uplift, fervent utterances�) and Itivuttaka (“as it was said�) of the same canonical collection, the ٲ첹 is the name of an actual work. Although the canonical book of the ٲ첹 contains only the verses, it is certain that from the earliest times, there must have been handed down an oral commentary, giving the stories in prose.[47]

It is not possible to say exactly when the ٲ첹s in their present form came into existence, nor how many of them were among the original number. What can he definitely stated is that they must have come into being and continued to grow over a considerable time before they reached their final form. In the time of the Cullaniddesa, there appear to have been 500 ٲ첹s, for reference is made to 貹ñ-ٲ첹-satani. Five hundred was the number seen by Xuanzang too. One is not certain, however, if the reference made was to a round number or an exact one.

Many scholars subscribe to the view that not all the stories contained in the ٲ첹 collection are “Buddhist� in a somewhat restricted view of the term, or even that they emanated from a Buddhist milieu. Some of these birth-stories are patently Buddhistic and depend for their point on some custom or idea peculiar to Buddhism, but many are said to be pieces gathered from folklore, “which have floated about the world for ages as the stray waif of literature and are liable everywhere to the appropriated by any casual claimant. This is an interesting observation. It is however, worth noting that no proprietary rights have been claimed by Buddhists for these stories, apart from the claim that, by and large, they are tales with Buddhist content and flavour and that Buddhist narrators and writers have invested them with a particular structure and form. Such appropriation of stories from a common stock by Buddhist samanas in the course of their wanderings is therefore quite possible and is only to be expected, when one considers the historical and cultural context in which the stories originated. Equally important is it to recognize the fact that ٲ첹 tales have been, over the centuries, appropriated by storytellers belonging to far-flung regions to which they had migrated. They have been used by different authors to achieve their special objectives.

5. The number of ٲ첹s

The tenth book of the Khuddaka ⲹ of the վ辱ṭa첹 is called ٲ첹 which is supposed to contain, by definition, tales of the Buddha’s former births. This canonical book of ٲ첹 comprises 6653 verses, constituting 547 ٲ첹s.[48] As of today, there are a total of 547 extant ٲ첹s arranged roughly by increasing number of verses. But there are indications that the actual number of ٲ첹s could be 550. According to Oskar von Hinuber, only the last 50 were clear to understand without any explanation. Folklorists are interested in these explanations in the form of short stories.[49]

The ٲ첹s have been grouped under twenty-two Ծٲ, depending on the number of verses in each ٲ첹, e.g. the ٲ첹s in the 첹Ծٲ contains one verse each, those in the ܰ첹Ծٲ two verses each and so on. As the Ծٲ proceed, the ٲ첹s contained therein grow more and more lengthy. But this principle of naming the Ծٲ, depending on the number of verses has not been adhered to uniformly. In the present editions of the ٲ첹 as well as in the ٲ첹ṭṭhakathā, there are more exceptions than consistency. As for instance, the tenth Ծٲ is called the DasakaԾٲ, i.e. each of the ٲ첹s is supposed to contain ten verses only; but in fact, quite a few of them contain many more.

Footnotes and references:

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[1]:

J.v. 232.

[2]:

B. Subrahmanyam, ٲ첹s in South Indian Art, Delhi: BKP, 2005: 19.

[3]:

Maurice Walshe (trans.), �Mahasudassana Sutta: The Great Splendour A King’s Renunciation�. In The Long Discourses of the Buddha: A Translation of the ī ⲹ, Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1996: 279�290.

[4]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit.11.

[5]:

B.C. Law, A History of Pali Literature, Delhi: Abhishek Prakashan, 2007: 220.

[6]:

K.R. Norman, A History of Indian Literature, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983: 78.

[7]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit.13.

[8]:

B. Subrahmanyam, ٲ첹s in Buddhist Thought and Art, Vol. II. Delhi: BKP, 2009: 507.

[9]:

Reiko Ohunma, ‘ٲ첹�. In Encyclopedia of Buddhism Vol. 1, ed. Robert E. Buswell, Jr, USA:Macmillan Reference, 2004: 400�402.

[10]:

Rafe Martin, The Hungry Tigress: Buddhist Myths, Legends, and ٲ첹 Tales, USA: Yello Moon Press, 1999: 20.

[11]:

Christopher Chapple, Op. Cit. 22.

[12]:

Sadhanchandra Sarkar, A Study on the ٲ첹s and the Բ, Critical and Comparative, Volume 1. Saraswat Library, 1981: 21.

[13]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit. 12.

[14]:

B. Subrahmanyam, Op. Cit. 20.

[15]:

A. K. Warder, Indian Buddhism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2004: 332.

[16]:

J.S. Speryer, Op. Cit. xiii.

[17]:

B. Subrahmanyam, Op. Cit. 20.

[18]:

J. Vol. I: xxiv.

[19]:

A.P. Bell, Didactic Narration: ٲ첹 Iconography in Dunhuang with a Catalogue of ٲ첹 Representations in China, Munster: Kunstgeschichte, 2000:36.

[20]:

Laurie Cozad, Sacred Snakes: Orthodox Images of Indian Snake Worship, USA: The Davies Group Publishers, 2004: 82.

[21]:

J.S. Speryer, Op. Cit. xiv.

[22]:

B. Subrahmanyam, Jatakas in South Indian Art, Delhi: BKP, 2005: preface.

[23]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit.8.

[24]:

B. Subrahmanyam, ٲ첹s in Buddhist Thought and Art, Vol. II. Delhi: BKP, 2009: 507.

[25]:

E.B. Cowell, The ٲ첹, Vol. I–II, 2005: xxi-xxii.

[26]:

Lucien Stryk. World of the Buddha: A Reader. Doubleday, 1969: 2.

[27]:

K.R. Norman, Op. Cit. 81.

[28]:

Maria Leach and Jerome Fried, Funk and Wagnalls Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, Harper and Row, 1984: 40.

[29]:

B. Subrahmanyam, ٲ첹s in Buddhist Thought and Art, Vol. I. Delhi: BKP, 2009: 26.

[30]:

H. Parker, Ancient Ceylon, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1999: 27�28.

[31]:

E.A. Reed, Primitive Buddhism, Its Origin and Teachings, Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Co, 1896: 45�46.

[32]:

B. Subrahmanyam, ٲ첹s in Buddhist Thought and Art, Vol. I. Delhi: BKP, 2009: 27.

[33]:

V. S. Bhaskar. Faith and Philosophy of Buddhism. Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2009: 104�105.

[34]:

A. S, Geden, ‘Josaphat, Barlaam and�. In Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Part 14, eds. James Hastings and A. Selbie, Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2003: 567�569.

[35]:

Shanti Lal Nagar, ٲ첹s in Indian Art, Parimal Publications, 1993: 41.

[36]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit. 11.

[37]:

K.R. Norman, Op. Cit. 82.

[38]:

K.A. Panicker, Indian Narratology, New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, 2003: 97.

[39]:

K.R. Norman, Op. Cit. 84.

[40]:

Ashfaq Ali, Bhopal, Past and Present: A Brief History of Bhopal from the Hoary Past upto the Present Time, Jai Bharat Publication House, 1969: 28. See, The Maha Bodhi Volume 78.

[41]:

B.C. Law, A History of Literature. Delhi: Abhishek Prakashan, 2007: 214�215.

[42]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit. 10.

[43]:

Nalinaksha Dutt, Buddhist Sects in India, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1998: 224.

[44]:

Catherine Benton, God of Desire: Tales of Kamadeva in Sanskrit Story Literature, USA: State University of New York Press, 2006: 159.

[45]:

Frank E. Reynolds, ‘The Many Lives of Buddha: A Study of Sacred Biography and Theravada Tradition�. In The Biographical Process: Studies in the History and Psychology of Religion, eds. Frank Reynolds and Donald Capps, Hungary: Mouton & Co, 1976: 42.

[46]:

A.S. Kulasuriya, Op. Cit. 13.

[47]:

Naomi Appleton, ٲ첹 Stories in ճ岹 Buddhism: Narrating the Bodhisatta Path, England:Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2010: 60.

[48]:

Satkari Mukhopadhyaya. Op. Cit. 1809.

[49]:

Robert Chalmers, The ٲ첹: Volumes 1 & 2. Forgotten Books, 2007: vii.

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